苏共二十大与英国共产党历史学家小组的嬗变

1956年苏共二十大在英国共产党内产生强烈反响,英国共产党历史学家小组要求英国共产党领导层以苏为鉴,在党内讨论苏共二十大揭露出来的问题,进行党内民主改革。但是,英国共产党领导层极力压制党内的讨论,不愿进行改革。英共领导的立场最终迫使史学家小组中部分成员退党。这一事件之后,这些历史学家摆脱了教条式的对待马克思主义做法的束缚,把马克思主义的历史理论与实证主义的历史研究相结合,形成了英国马克思主义史学派(或称新社会史学派)。     

Herbert Vere Evatt and British Justice: The Communist Party Referendum of 1951

Abstract

Through his role in the early United Nations, Herbert Vere Evatt is often credited with having advanced the cause of international human rights. But in 1951, Evatt articulated an alternative understanding of the roots of liberty, one centred on the role of British justice in checking ‘tyranny’ and ‘totalitarianism’. This neo-Roman conception of freedom had long competed in Evatt's thought with a belief in the need for an unfettered executive to achieve desirable social and economic goals. Although inconsistent in defence of liberty across his career, Evatt succeeded in this campaign because his case harmonised with contemporary understandings of freedom and its enemies in a post-war British-Australian community.     

Empire, Internationalism, and the Campaign against the Traffic in Women and Children in the 1920s

This article assesses the inter-war campaign against traffickingin women and children, with a particular focus on the leadingrole played by British and British-dominated voluntary associations.This humanitarian campaign was conducted by social relief organizationssuch as the Association for Moral and Social Hygiene (AMSH)and the International Bureau for the Suppression of the Trafficin Women and Children (IBSTWC). While organized opposition totrafficking in persons was not new, these groups consciously‘internationalized’ their advocacy and lobbyingefforts in the 1920s and 1930s. Although their work againsttrafficking in the Straits Settlements, or the prostitutionrings operating in the Mediterranean, was driven in part bythe desire to protect Britain's national prestige, their moralimpetus and their cooperation with non-British bodies reflectedwider international concerns. The article also explores theuse of public diplomacy as a new political tool, with a particularfocus on the public-private cooperation evident in the Leagueof Nations' work to combat the trade. Finally, the article advancessome conclusions as to why British women's political organizationsin particular were some of the earliest ‘internationalists’,how successful internationalists were in combating transnationalsocial problems, and to what extent inter-war internationalistsestablished a precedent for the subsequent growth of internationalsocial relief organizations.     

20世纪90年代前后中国共产党抵御执政风险的历史经验

20世纪90年代前后是我国改革和社会主义现代化建设发展史上一个非常关键的时期。以江泽民为核心的第三代中央领导集体未雨绸缪,防范在先,注重增强全党的执政风险意识;加快发展,增强实力,夯实抵御执政风险的物质基础;深化改革,加强调控,重点解决防范金融风险的问题;处变不惊,从容应对,妥善处理自然界和社会突发事件;练好内功,强身固本,抓好执政党建设这个关键。认真总结这一时期我党成功抵御执政风险的宝贵经验,结合新的历史条件加以创造性运用,对于坚持以科学发展观为指导,统筹好经济、社会和人的全面发展,进一步提高抵御风险的能力,把改革和现代化建设事业不断推向前进,具有重要意义。     

20世纪50年代中国共产党对社会和谐的初步探索

20世纪50年代中期开始,以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人,通过鲜活生动的社会实践、广泛深入的调查研究,总结、提出和创造了包括社会主义矛盾学说、《论十大关系》、“百花齐放,百家争鸣”方针以及加强和改善党的领导等科学理念,率先进行了建设社会主义、实现社会和谐的创造性探索,为全面建设社会主义和谐社会提供了历史借鉴。     

中国工业化与中国共产党

中国工业化是中国共产党始终不渝的奋斗目标,中国工业化的道路、战略、资源配置方式、资金与人才来源等工业化过程中的一系列重大问题也都是由中国共产党解决的。不仅如此,在中国共产党的领导下,中国工业化还取得了比资本主义国家更高的发展速度,为现代化的实现和中华民族的全面振兴奠定了坚实的基础。实践证明,中国共产党是中国工业化发展要求的必然产物和忠实代表;中国的工业化建设,过去、现在和将来都离不开中国共产党的领导。     

论日本共产党的在野党外交

随着全球化趋势的加强,政党外交成为国际政治中不可忽视的现象。上世纪90年代后期开始,日本共产党力图通过积极开展外交活动彰显其生命力。本文认为日本外交的困境和共产主义运动面临的现实压力是日共推动在野党外交的主要原因。在野党外交作为日共的一种政策和理论,有其形成过程,在实践中也取得了很多成果。然而,在野党外交的成功并不能从根本上改变日共在日本政坛的地位。     

Johannes Nkosi and the Communist Party of South Africa: Images of 'Blood River' and King Dingane in the Late 1920s–1930

In divided societies like South Africa, history, among other things,serves ideological purposes. The colonial encounter between King Dingane, the second Zulu king, who ruled from 1828 to 1840, and white settlers highlights this fact. The core of Afrikaner Nationalist historiography regarded the king as a treacherous, uncivilized barbarian. He was perceived to be an anti‐white demagogue who was beyond redemption. But elsewhere, African nationalists and workers viewed the king as one of the original freedom fighters who resisted thetyranny of the land‐grabbing white settlers and voortrekkers of the nineteenth century. Their interpretations of King Dingane's relationship with white settlers depict the latter as disrespectful imperialists and unscrupulous men, attempting to enrich themselves at the expense of the indigenous population. Accordingly, their interpretation of this encounter revolves around the land question in South Africa. This article discusses a case study regarding these issues. It is about the challenge mounted by African workers in the late 1920s and 1930 against the official celebration of December 16. This celebration honored the victory of the voortrekkers at the so‐called battle of ‘Blood River’ on December 16, 1838—hence the public holiday was once referred to as ‘Dingaan's Day.’ As a counter‐commemoration of this day, African workers regarded the official celebrations as symbolizing the loss of their land and the passing of their freedom. As a result African workers aligned with the Communist Party of South Africa, and through the leadership skills of Johannes Nkosi, mounted vigorous protests and challenges against these celebrations by white South Africans. They staged protest marches and defiant anti‐pass campaigns that emphasized the centrality of the land question in South Africa. They also paid tribute to their past, include King Dingane. Through their actions they imbued conscience in African workers throughout the country, hence the response of the state was brutal and culminated with the death of Johannes Nkosi in 1930.     

论20世纪20年代苏联的外交政策

我国学界对20世纪20年代苏联对外政策存在不同的评价意见。本文从斯大林、契切林的外交政策理论以及他们对苏联外交政策影响的角度对20年代苏联对外政策进行了探讨。认为斯大林、契切林都继承了列宁晚年的外交思想,斯大林在20年代已经把世界革命的胜利寄希望于未来,提出了“一国社会主义”理论,契切林已把社会主义的未来和东方被压迫民族的解放运动联系在了一起。在对外政策方面,斯大林、契切林都把苏联国家利益放在外交政策考虑的优先地位。在实践上,虽然斯大林有时依然表现出了对世界革命的追求,但契切林以其长期担任苏俄外交人民委员的经历和丰富经验影响了斯大林以及苏联外交政策的制定和实施。从整体上看,苏联20世纪20年代的对外政策尽管存在一些失误,但基本把握住了列宁晚年思想的方向,为苏联国内建设创造了和平有利的外部环境。     

论20世纪20年代的中国近代史研究

20年代的中国近代史研究呈现出一种畸形的发展状况。近代史研究不被时人看重,但却有不少近代史著述出版。到1928年,通过对近代史史料的整理工作,由斯而发,罗家伦明确提出了要科学地研究中国近代史,开启了近代史研究的新局面;从史学史的角度对这些近代史著述的特点作出总结,知人论世,可以窥见20年代近代史研究的状况。