Industrial Militancy, 1945-79: The Failure of the British Road to Socialism?

The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) embarked upon aconsistent industrial policy after the Second World War whichcentred around wage militancy. The article examines the natureof this commitment and in so doing reveals both the confusedrationale for the Communist promotion of militant trade unionismand the hidden weaknesses of the CPGB’s industrial interventions.     

Stalin's Sausage Machine. British Students at the International Lenin School, 1926-37

Between 1926 and 1937 at least 160 British communists attendedthe Communist International's International Lenin School (ILS)in Moscow. The aims of the school were to produce a new stratumof leading communist party cadres, young, proletarian, disciplined,and free of the taint of reformism. Using materials from theComintem archives in Moscow, this article assesses the degreeto which the school was successful in meeting these objectives.It shows that among the difficulties it encountered were thereluctance of the British Communist Party (CPGB) to lose theservices of large numbers of its best activists and the uncertainapplication of the lessons inculcated by the school when studentsreturned to Britain. In the short term, ILS alumni played acrucial role in the leadership of the CPGB at both nationaland district levels, and some were also drawn into work forthe Comintern or Soviet state organs. However, by the late 1930sattendance at the school played a reduced role in appointmentsto key party positions, and as early as 1943 there was onlyone former student on the CPGB's executive committee. Set ina comparative context, it is argued that the school's significancein Britain was largely confined to the ‘long’ ThirdPeriod of 1927–35 and rapidly diminished thereafter.     

‘As imperialistic as our masters’? Relations between British and Irish communists, 1920–1941

ABSTRACT

Soon after its formation, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was tasked by the Communist International with assisting their Irish comrades to develop their organisation. This article outlines the relations between British and Irish communists from 1920 to 1941 and argues that, notwithstanding the selfless work of some British communists, the CPGB on the whole exhibited a patronising and paternalistic demeanour towards the Irish that failed to consider the latter’s perspective on an equal footing to its own, even in their own affairs. This attitude, combined with its position within the heart of the British Empire, is indicative of ‘cultural imperialism’.     

British Students at the International Lenin School 1926-37: A Reaffirmation of Methods, Results, and Conclusions

Alan Campbell, John McIlroy, Barry McLoughlin, and John Halsteadhave offered a sweeping, if incoherent, criticism of the researchpresented in ‘Stalin's Sausage Machine’, our recentarticle on British students at the International Lenin School.By expanding upon and reaffirming the methods, results, andconclusion of our original article, we address each of the maincriticisms made and show that none can be substantiated. Usingstatistical analysis based on matched samples, we demonstratethat we did not underestimate the school's impact on the apparatusof the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). We also showthat none of the supposed ‘significant deficiencies’in our handling of qualitative analysis has any foundation.We deal briefly with the sole alternative explanation our criticsoffer for the CPGB's internal leadership changes, namely ‘lifeitself’ and natural causes. We suggest that such a de-politicizedinterpretation not only lacks any evidential basis but revealsa profound ignorance as to the internal workings of communistparties and flies in the face of all available literatures onthe subject. We also document the contrast between our critics'methodological pretensions and the ways in which their casedepends for its plausibility on methods of an extremely dubiousnature. Every possible academic rationale for the attack uponus is disposed of. We therefore end with a plea for a less personalizedapproach to the writing of Communist Party history.     

A Rebel, not a Rabbi: Jewish Membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain

This paper explores the relationship between Jews and communismin the twentieth century through a case study of the Jewishmembership of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). Itexplains in particular why large numbers of Jews were attractedto the CPGB. The dynamics of integration into British societyof second-generation Anglo-Jewry provides an answer and offersan insight into the issues of Jewish identity and its relationshipwith extreme left-wing politics. The study of the personal reflectswider changes in the historiography of communism as the endof the communist bloc has led to new avenues of research notleast due to the opening of previously closed archives. Indeed,the sources used here have only recently been made availablefollowing the demise of the CPGB. This article concentrateson the one of the most important parts of this archive: thebiographical collection, a unique source providing an unparalleledopportunity to examine the lives of party members. This articlerepresents one of the first to be based on this material, andwith additional supporting research it also represents probablythe largest and most detailed biographical study of Anglo-Jewryto date.     

The Foreign Enlistment Act and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939

This article examines the official response to the policy problemsraised by the over two thousand Britons who went to fight forthe Republic during the Spanish Civil War, with particular referenceto the Foreign Enlistment Act (1870). Revived in January 1937as a means of reducing the flow of volunteers and curbing therecruiting efforts of the Communist Party of Great Britain,the act proved embarrassingly unenforceable. Ambiguity overits applicability to the situation in Spain, combined with problemsof evidence, meant that no charges were ever laid against volunteerscaught attempting to leave for Spain or members of the recruitingorganization of the CPGB. Though a complete failure as a legaltool, the Foreign Enlistment Act nevertheless symbolically underlinedthe British government's declared support for internationalnon-intervention in Spain, and was never rescinded.     

新中国成立初期的马克思主义宣传教育工作

新中国成立后,中国共产党成为领导全国政权的执政党。这种变化使党的马克思主义宣传教育工作面临许多新的问题,同时也提出了许多新的要求。为此,党采取了健全马克思主义宣传教育机构、提高各级党委和党员干部对马克思主义宣传教育工作重要性的认识、系统翻译和出版经典著作、培养马克思主义理论教员和宣传员、注重马克思主义通俗化和大众化等一系列措施,为马克思主义宣传教育工作提供了有力的组织保证,奠定了坚实的思想基础,使马克思主义理论在广大人民中得到普及,使中国共产党与广大民众有了共同语言,为当前马克思主义的宣传教育工作提供了有益的历史参考。     

'Dublin is Just a Sunningdale Away'? The SDLP and the Failure of Northern Ireland's Sunningdale Experiment

This article examines the part played by the Social Democraticand Labour Party (SDLP) in both the making and the breakdownof the 1973 Sunningdale Agreement. In particular, the articlelooks at the party's relations with the Irish government inthis period. Specifically, it considers the charge that theSDLP—by obliging the Irish government to support its approach—pushedunionist negotiators too far at Sunningdale, producing a settlementwhich was predetermined towards Irish reunification, and sowhich justified loyalist claims that ‘Dublin is just aSunningdale away’. The article draws on recently releasedarchival material to show how the SDLP was, to a significantdegree, able to dictate Dublin's policy on Northern Irelandin the early 1970s, suggesting that this led to a uniform andhighly ambitious agenda on the part of nationalist participantsat the Sunningdale conference. However, it also argues thatthis agenda was not realized, and that the deal made at Sunningdalewas not as favourable towards the SDLP as has sometimes beensuggested. Nonetheless, the article maintains that the dynamicrhetoric and perceived momentum of Irish nationalism—orchestratedlargely by the SDLP—served to distort that which was actuallyagreed, and in this helped to undermine unionist support forSunningdale.     

Professionals’ and amateurs’ pasts: a decolonizing reading of post-war Romanian histories of gendered interwar activism

This article provides an illustration of a decolonial and gendered approach that can shape ‘new global labour histories’ by re-reading histories of Communist women’s interwar activism produced in state-socialist Romania with attention to the power context in which they were created and the clues about the work of social reproduction during the interwar that these histories provide. After discussing the main concepts and rationale in the first section, in the second section the author shows that women’s history and women historians were marginalized in Romania after 1958 despite promising post-war beginnings. She shows that this evolution was made possible by the symbiosis between nationalist historians and autochthonist politicians in search of a break with Stalinist policies. She then hones in, in the third part of the paper, on the content of the Revue des Etudés Sud-Est Européenes (RESEE) and two women’s history volumes, as publications issuing from the conditions described in the second part. With regard to the standalone volumes, the author shows that in this body of work, the interwar period is described as one of women’s increased activism within the social-democratic or Communist movements. On the other hand, the period is also described as one of worsening living conditions for proletarians. The intersection of these two narratives creates in this rather limited historiographical body the surprising effect of granting high visibility to reproductive labour.     

No Hammock for the Idle: The Conservative Party, 'Youth' and the Welfare State in the 1960s

The postwar ‘baby boom’ focused unprecedented attentionon young people in Britain and made ‘youth’ a newand increasingly worrying category of both social and politicalidentity. Belief in the uniqueness of postwar youth was widelyshared among political parties but it caused particular anxietyfor the Conservatives who feared that young people in the 1960swere shaped by values that predisposed them to socialism, notconservatism. This article traces the Conservative party's interactionwith ‘youth’ through an examination of the policy-makingefforts of the Young Conservatives (YCs) organization. Afterthe 1959 election, the Conservative party was anxious to retainthe support of younger voters and saw the YCs as a vehicle topublicize its commitment to them. Departing from the YCs’long-standing emphasis on social activities, the party establisheda Policy Group Scheme to integrate younger members into policy-makingand encourage a ‘youth’ perspective on key policyareas such as the welfare state. However, in 1966, the PolicyGroup Scheme ended as it became clear that young people's loyaltyto the main party was not conditional upon participation inpolicy-making and the YCs’ model of postwar conservatismdiffered very little from that of older Conservatives. Thisanalysis of grassroots discussion of the welfare state thusestablishes the limits of a distinctive ‘youth’perspective on major issues in modern conservatism such as individualfreedom and the role of the state, and contributes to recentdiscussions of the role of age and demographic structure inpostwar Britain.     

以党员先进性教育活动为契机积极探索流动党员教育管理的新机制

流动党员的教育和管理问题是新形势下党建工作面临的一个突出课题。如何针对流动党员形成的特点和规律,积极探索加强流动党员教育和管理工作的新机制,不仅是各级党组织肩负的重要责任,也是加强党的执政能力建设和先进性建设、巩固党的执政基础以及加强党的基层组织建设的迫切要求。     

中共十六大与八大的比较研究

八大是中国共产党成为执政党后召开的第一次全国代表大会,这次代表大会分析了生产资料所有制的社会主义改造基本完成后的形势,提出了全面开展社会主义建设的任务,在指导思想、政治路线和组织路线上都有重要建树,对探索中国特色社会主义的道路产生了深远的影响。十六大是中国共产党执政52年后在新世纪召开的第一次全国代表大会,也是中国共产党在开始实施社会主义现代化建设第三步战略部署的新形势下召开的一次具有深远影响的重要大会。对八大和十六大进行比较研究,可以发现其一脉相承的内在联系,可以加深对十六大确立的指导思想、奋斗目标、组织路线的认识。     

从供给制到职务等级工资制——新中国建立前后党政人员收入分配制度的演变

Around the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the income distribution system of party and government officials has experienced a great reform from the supply system featured by equalitarianism to the duty-graded salary system with strict ranks and wide gaps. This change runs against the convention of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and proposition of Marx Karl. Chairman Mao Zedong was never satisfied with this distribution system marked by strict ranks and tried to amend it. It amounted to the same at the end as his failure to prevent the generation of this system, even though it experienced “the Cultural Revolution.” Translated by Luo Hui from Lishi Yanjiu 历史研究 (Historical Research), 2007, (4): 111–137     

A Duty to Forget? The 'Hitler Youth Generation' and the Transition from Nazism to Communism in Postwar East Germany, c. 1945-49

In Soviet-occupied East Germany during the mid- to late 1940s,a remarkable but scarcely remarked-upon transition took place.Hundreds of thousands of young Germans who had previously beenmembers of the Nazi youth organizations, the Hitler Youth (HJ)and the League of German Girls (BDM) flocked to join the Communist-ledFree German Youth (FDJ), a unisex ‘united youth organization’founded under Soviet auspices in March 1946. This paper examinesthe experiences of this ‘twice betrayed’ generation,whose members rapidly—though with varying degrees of enthusiasm—switchedallegiance from Nazism to Communism after the Second World Warand ultimately exchanged life in one authoritarian youth organizationfor life in another. Drawing on archival and interview material,it first seeks to outline Communist attitudes towards denazificationamong the young in the postwar period, before going on to examinefrom a grass-roots perspective the experiences, motivations,and attitudes of those who exchanged their HJ or BDM membershipbooks for those of the FDJ. Despite, or perhaps because of,East Germany's strongly-espoused and rigidly dogmatic ‘anti-fascism’,open discussion of the Nazi past was—for a variety ofreasons—taboo during the immediate postwar period, particularlyamong the young. This paper concludes by discussing the reasonsbehind this ‘pact of silence’ between the Communistsand the ‘Hitler Youth generation’—and howit impacted upon subsequent generations of young people ‘borninto socialism’.     

Suku and the Self-Valorization of Chinese Women Workers: Before,during, and after Enterprise Privatization

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used suku (speaking bitterness) in ideological education movements to teach subaltern women to give voice to their personal narratives of oppression in accordance with Maoist political doctrine. Suku is thus a historically specific practice and a culturally specific form of women’s narrative practice. By listening to and observing the post-Mao suku narrative performance of my grandmother, a retired State-Owned Enterprise (SOE) worker, I show that her suku is a gendered performance, a form of labor that blurs production and reproduction, and a form of embedded personhood; and that suku as a form of narrative persisted through the period of economic reforms, even though its intent and audience became transformed. My kin relationship with this particular suku performance allows an analysis of the impact of suku on cross-generational relationships—those between first-generation SOE workers and laid-off SOE workers in former SOE families. Furthermore, I argue that suku can be seen as a form of labor and self-valorization of Chinese women workers discarded in the new economy, and contrary to its original disciplinary purposes, as a form of resistance.     

From Salvation and Impurity to Renunciation: Pilgrim Representations and Cuban Women's Militant Roles

How have the representations of the cinema of political pilgrimage turned the stereotype of Cuban women into one of political sacrifice, that is to say, woman as saviour figure and woman as figure of renunciation? How have political stereotypes defined the kind of behaviour by women that could be part of Communist society? Starting from these questions, this article discusses the beginnings of the imaginary of militant Cuban women and its connections to the revolutionary Cuban imaginary: a symbolical register negotiated between the political Other and Self, that is, between the revolutionary institutions and the Left intellectual sympathisers who from its inception have visited the Cuban Revolution and have been its political and ideological guests. Specifically, I analyse three films of this cinema of political pilgrimage (Realengo 18, Cuba 58', Soy Cuba) as some of the founding productions of the Cuban revolutionary imaginary.     

The First Government of Northern Ireland, Education Reform and the Failure of Anti-populist Unionism, 1921-1925

This article examines education reform under the first governmentof Northern Ireland (1921–1925). This embryonic periodoffered the Ulster Unionist leadership a chance to constructa more inclusive society, one that might diminish sectariananimosities, and thereby secure the fledgling state throughcooperation rather than coercion. Such aspirations were severelytested by the ruling party's need to secure the state againstinsurgency, and more lastingly, to assuage the concerns of itshistoric constituency. The former led to a draconian securitypolicy, the latter to a dependency on populist strategies andrhetoric. It is argued here, however, that this dependency wasnot absolute until July 1925. Before that, the Belfast governmentwithstood growing pressure from populist agitators to reversecontroversial aspects of its education reforms, only relentingwhen Protestant disaffection threatened the unity of the governingparty and the existence of the state.     

女国民的兴起:近代中国女性主体身份与文学实践

The construction of “citizen-state” relations in the intellectual world of modern China and the establishment of individual citizenship in political discourse have opened up a political and discourse sphere for modern women to strive for new identities, wherein some intellectually advanced women have managed to establish their individual identity as “female citizen” by carrying the debate on the relationship between women and the state with regard to their rights and responsibilities, and on the relationship between gender role and citizenship. Though the idea of “female citizen” was not provided with a political theory of practical significance, the subject identity of women, however, was repeatedly spoken about and strengthened in brand-new literary practices, resulting in a dynamic discourse of “female citizen”; in the meantime, disagreements concerning the concepts of “female rights,” “civil rights,” and “natural rights” have all helped create significant tension inside the related discourse sphere. Translated by Feng Mei from Nankai Xuebao 南开学报 (Journal of Nankai University), 2008, (4): 40–47     

A Teapot, a House, or Both? The Material Possessions of Irish Women��s California Assemblages

Using a woman-centered approach, artifact assemblages and background documents are analyzed to discern gender behavior and ethnic variations in women’s work—cooking, dining, housecleaning—in more frivolous areas—flowers, pets, girls’ toys—and personal adornment. Issues of gender bias are discussed. The data show that negative evidence (absence vs. presence) is, at times, misleading and must be carefully considered. Detailed study of the artifacts connected with Irish women suggests their gender values that organized their lives differed from those of Anglo-American women who had a voice in small expressive purchases while men made final decisions on major household purchases. Irish women owned small items too. However, a crucial distinction was an element not covered by the archaeology: a house of their own and owner-occupied, a fact solely visible in documents.     

保持共产党员先进性长效机制初探

始终保持共产党员的先进性,是保持我们党长期执政的前提和基础。要保持党的先进性,必须建立保持共产党员先进性的长效机制。该从形成党员教育培训机制、健全党员目标管理机制、建立党员激励惩处机制、完善党员队伍吐故纳新机制、完善对党员的党内外监督机制等六个方面,对这一问题进行了探讨。