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《Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites》2013,15(4):233-240
AbstractWhile the high archaeological and palaeoecological value of intertidal deposits has become well known, approaches to their management remain extremely restricted. Despite the often high levels of erosion experienced by some sites there has been very little development in methods aimed at understanding or quantifying the threats. This paper presents an approach aimed at monitoring erosion within the Humber estuary, UK, where previous finds including Bronze Age boat remains and trackways have made it an area of international importance. Two sites have been investigated and the results from these demonstrate both the high rate of sediment removal and also the highly variable nature of intertidal erosion. It is argued that global figures relating to rates of erosion are wholly inappropriate when attempting to manage archaeological deposits that have survived in intertidal environments. Rather, management of such archaeologically rich but threatened landscapes is only possible through regular quantitative monitoring. Such an approach offers coastal protection authorities a valuable opportunity to assess the long-term progress of erosion and coastal change. This methodology could be employed alongside management agreements within those particular coastal cells or process units that have been identified in a Shoreline Management Plan. 相似文献
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Review article: Franks and Slavs c.700–1000: the problem of European expansion before the millennium
Books received for review: Franks, Moravians and Magyars. The Struggle for the Middle Danube 788–907. By Charles R. Bowlus. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1995. xviii + 420 pp. £42.75. ISBN 0 8122 3276 3. Das ‘GrossmIhrische Reich’. RealitäIt oder Fiktion? Eine Neuinterpretation der Quellen zur Geschichte des mittleren Donauraumes im 9. Jahrhundert. Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 40. By Martin Eggers. Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann. 1995. ix + 525 pp. DM 336.00. ISBN 3 7772 9502 7. An Elbe und Oder um das Jahr 1000. Skizzen zur Politik des Ottonenreiches und der slavischen Mächte in Mitteleuropa. By Herbert Ludat. Reprint of 1971 original, with an afterword by L. Dralle. Weimar, Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau Verlag. 1995. ix + 214 pp. DM 78.00. ISBN 3 412 11994 6. Salzburg, Bayern, österreich: die Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum und die Quellen ihrer Zeit. Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforshung Ergänzungsband 31. By Herwig Wolfram. Vienna and Munich: Oldenbourg. 1995. 464 pp. DM 128.00. ISBN 3 486 64833 0 (Munich); 3 7029 0404 2 (Vienna). 相似文献
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Michael Herzfeld 《Anthropology today》2016,32(2):10-13
In the current debt crisis, Greeks often stand accused of irresponsible borrowing, corruption, and laziness. In this article, I argue that the patently unfair way in which these stereotypes have framed the ongoing tensions between Greece and the other European countries is deeply grounded in the dynamics of “crypto‐colonialism.” German fascination with ancient Greece has combined with the needs of British, French, and, later, American strategic interests to produce a toxic brew of humiliation and contempt for the Greek people of today. Yet Greece, by escaping from the aftermath of military dictatorship under the unexpectedly benign guidance of the elder Constantine Karamanlis, is now – in marked contrast to at least one other crypto‐colonial state – giving the unelected leadership of the European Union and other creditors a lesson in democratic self‐sufficiency. Resolution of the residual tensions will nevertheless only be possible when both sides agree to cease trading insulting stereotypes and admit the errors of a shared and embarrassing past – a process for which anthropological perspectives can offer significant support. 相似文献
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The hypocrisy of European moralism: Greece and the politics of cultural aggression – part 1
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Michael Herzfeld 《Anthropology today》2016,32(1):10-13
In the current debt crisis, Greeks often stand accused of irresponsible borrowing, corruption, and laziness. In this article, I argue that the patently unfair way in which these stereotypes have framed the ongoing tensions between Greece and the other European countries is deeply grounded in the dynamics of “crypto‐colonialism.” German fascination with ancient Greece has combined with the needs of British, French, and, later, American strategic interests to produce a toxic brew of humiliation and contempt for the Greek people of today. Yet Greece, by escaping from the aftermath of military dictatorship under the unexpectedly benign guidance of the elder Constantine Karamanlis, is now – in marked contrast to at least one other crypto‐colonial state – giving the unelected leadership of the European Union and other creditors a lesson in democratic self‐sufficiency. Resolution of the residual tensions will nevertheless only be possible when both sides agree to cease trading insulting stereotypes and admit the errors of a shared and embarrassing past – a process for which anthropological perspectives can offer significant support. 相似文献
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David Howarth 《Modern & Contemporary France》2013,21(3):353-369
This article presents a constructivist-inspired analysis of the Jospin government's European policy, understanding most policy developments during this period as variations on well-established French preferences—rooted in a modified Gaullist paradigm—embedded in French state identity. The variations reflect external political and economic pressures. By June 1997, the potential contradiction between perceptions of European integration as an extension of French state identity and the actual constraints imposed by integration was never greater, due to the reinforced constraints imposed by the operation of the Single European Market (SEM) and Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), in additional to the rise of German unilateralism and the need for European Union (EU) institutional and policy reforms made necessary by the approaching enlargement of the EU eastwards and the increased pressure on the Jospin government to reconceptualise an end-goal to European integration. 相似文献
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In traditional Bantu-speaking societies in southern Africa, drought is caused by breaches in rules of pollution. At times of severe drought (3–5 consecutive seasons), rainmakers ascend special hills to perform special rituals. The archaeological signature of this unique activity forms a cultural proxy for drought. New research shows that burnt daga structures also correlate with high δ15N values for small stock. Burnt structures thus form a new component to the proxy. According to the ethnography, farmers implicated in the cause burnt their grain bins, and sometimes houses, as a ritual of cleansing. The dating of these structures provides a revised climatic sequence for the plateau portion of the summer rainfall region. Among other new results, there was a drought at the end of the Mapungubwe period (ca. AD 1300). At about AD 1650, droughts associated with the arrival of maize caused people to stop growing it as food for a while. 相似文献
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Shuwen Pei Xing Gao Huimin Wang Kathleen Kuman Christopher J. Bae Fuyou Chen Ying Guan Yue Zhang Xiaoling Zhang Fei Peng Xiaoli Li 《Journal of archaeological science》2012
The initial Late Paleolithic, said to appear between 40 and 30 kya in eastern Asia, is defined by the appearance of many innovations. These archaeological indicators include the appearance of more refined stone tool making techniques (e.g., include the appearance of blade and microblade technology), complex hearth construction, use of pigments and personal ornamentation, as well as worked faunal implements such as bone and antler tools. We report here new findings from a multidisciplinary research project conducted at the Shuidonggou (Choei-tong-keou) site complex in northern China, a series of localities that date from the initial Late Paleolithic to the Neolithic. 相似文献
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Global multipolarity,European security and implications for UK grand strategy: back to the future,once again
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DAVID BLAGDEN 《International affairs》2015,91(2):333-350
The international system is returning to multipolarity—a situation of multiple Great Powers—drawing the post‐Cold War ‘unipolar moment’ of comprehensive US political, economic and military dominance to an end. The rise of new Great Powers, namely the ‘BRICs’—Brazil, Russia, India, and most importantly, China—and the return of multipolarity at the global level in turn carries security implications for western Europe. While peaceful political relations within the European Union have attained a remarkable level of strategic, institutional and normative embeddedness, there are five factors associated with a return of Great Power competition in the wider world that may negatively impact on the western European strategic environment: the resurgence of an increasingly belligerent Russia; the erosion of the US military commitment to Europe; the risk of international military crises with the potential to embroil European states; the elevated incentive for states to acquire nuclear weapons; and the vulnerability of economically vital European sea lines and supply chains. These five factors must, in turn, be reflected in European states’ strategic behaviour. In particular, for the United Kingdom—one of western Europe's two principal military powers, and its only insular (offshore) power—the return of Great Power competition at the global level suggests that a return to offshore balancing would be a more appropriate choice than an ongoing commitment to direct military interventions of the kind that have characterized post‐2001 British strategy. 相似文献
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Andrew H. Dawson 《Scottish Geographical Journal》2013,129(1):59-65
Professor Pacione's call for geographers to consider the role that ‘responsible theology’ might play in assisting the development of ‘relevant’ human geography is examined. Issue is taken with his presentation of religion. Alternative geographical approaches to religion are outlined, and the relationship of the academic to both religion and government is explored. 相似文献
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Helen E. Christensen 《Australian journal of political science》2020,55(1):20-37
ABSTRACTParticipatory governance practices are enjoying popularity, not least in local government. This is driven by legislation that requires councils to undertake some of these processes; also by communities and practitioners – parties that derive income from participatory governance. An industry is emerging: one characterised by demand and supply, with frameworks, strategies and processes, training and conferences. This industry warrants investigation so that its impacts upon local democracy can be understood. Following a theorisation of local democracy and community engagement, the paper describes the community engagement industry, presenting evidence about council activities, providers and professional associations to establish that the commercialisation of engagement is a significant phenomenon in Australian local government. Possible risks to local governance and local democracy are explored. 相似文献
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