多维视野下的西方“军事革命”研究

西方学界的“军事革命”研究,是“新军事史”范式下的分支领域,集中考察近代早期欧洲社会文化转型、现代国家形成及世界格局转型,致力于以军事因素阐释现代世界起源。在社会文化史路径下,“军事革命”研究关注欧洲贵族与士兵境况及“军事启蒙运动”,并与其他“新军事史”研究形成互补关系;在“国家形成”论题中,“军事革命”研究与历史社会学存在跨学科关联;而在全球史视野下,“军事革命”与欧洲崛起之间的因果关系遭到质疑和挑战,亚洲“军事革命”转而成为新的研究重点,“军事革命”因此超出欧洲范围成为全球史研究重要领域。“军事革命”研究的发展体现了西方学术革新进程,为国内学界相关研究提供了重要参考。     

14-17世纪欧洲的军事革命与社会变革

从 1 4到 1 7世纪 ,当世界其他地区在军事上处于缓慢发展中时 ,欧洲在军事领域发生了一系列变革。其中一些重要的变革不仅使欧洲战争的面貌发生了急剧改变 ,而且对社会发展产生了深远的影响 ,这就是所谓军事革命。军事革命在欧洲政治、经济、文化和社会生活等各方面都产生了重要而深远的影响 ,有力地促进了欧洲由封建社会向资本主义社会的过渡 ,加速了现代文明在欧洲的诞生 ,并推动了这种新文明向全世界的传播。     

16—17世纪英国的军事出版物及其影响

英国地处欧洲边缘,17世纪中期与欧陆主要国家基本同时建立了国家常备军队。这与欧洲大陆军事科学在英国的传播不无关系。军事出版物作为军事科学传播的重要载体,在英国军事近代化进程中发挥了重要作用。16世纪中期到17世纪中期,英国出版了大量军事作品,其内容涵盖整个军事领域,成为英国军人学习军事事务的重要媒介,促进了英国军人群体的专业化和英国军事科学的发展。     

何应钦与广东革命根据地的巩固

大革命运动中前期.何应钦积极参与黄埔军校的创建工作.提出了一套行之有效的军事训练方法.他率领黄埔官兵成为两次东征、平定刘、杨叛乱、处理"廖案"等一系列军事行动的主力.在此过程中,何应钦表现出一定的军事指挥才能和吃苦耐劳、不怕牺牲的军人素质,在实战中起到了积极作用.这些军事活动,既推动了广东革命根据地的统一和巩固,也为他日后飞黄腾达奠定了基础.其间,他的政治挝思想尚能跟随时代潮流前进,在一定程度上赞成国共合作,支持工农运动和反帝运动.     

从传统回归现实——英国都铎时期世俗贵族传统军事职能弱化现象简析

英国贵族阶层在都铎时期(1485-1603年)之前,传统的主要职能是以国王的军事封臣身份为国王服军役.但随着都铎时期国家政策的变化、社会等级结构和价值观念的改变,以及新经济因素的影响,英国世俗贵族在新的社会形势下被迫脱离传统面对现实,军事性职能渐趋衰弱,主要职能开始趋于非军事化而多样化.     

军事革命与欧洲在全球范围的崛起

由于异常激烈的生存竞争和有利于革新的思想文化背景,当世界其它地区军事上还在缓慢发展时,欧洲在14—17世纪发生了一系列军事革命,其军队在陆地和海上的作战能力得到了稳步提高。这使欧洲人在与世界其它地区的对抗中逐渐取得了越来越明显的军事优势。尽管欧洲的崛起是由政治、经济、军事、文化及社会等各个领域的许多复杂因素相互作用共同促成的,但在多数情况下军事优势是其征服过程中必不可少的条件。     

波兰民族解放运动在世界近代史上的地位

从十八世纪末至十九世纪七十年代,波兰人民不畏强暴,前赴后继,多次发动武装起义,广泛参加国际革命斗争,为争取民族解放和社会革命,为抗击以沙皇俄国为首的欧洲反动势力,进行了不屈不挠,可歌可泣的英勇斗争,为欧洲革命和世界革命作出了巨大贡献,谱写了世界近代民族解放运动史上的光辉篇章,得到了无产阶级伟大革命导师马克思、恩格斯的热情赞扬和崇高评价,他们称赞波兰是“欧洲的不死的勇士”,是欧洲一切革命的“寒     

论抗日根据地的军事社会保障

论抗日根据地的军事社会保障陆玉徐云鹏军事社会保障是指国家和社会根据军事职业特征,对军人及其家属提供确保一定生活水平和一定社会地位的特殊社会保障制度。本文所要阐述的主要是共产党领导下的各边区政府和人民群众对抗日军人及其家属实施的各种优抚措施和制度。由于...     

由救恤到保障:抗战时期国民政府伤残军人的服务型抚恤探析——以国统区荣军教养院为中心

抗日战争是一场关乎民族存亡的决战,在浴血奋战中产生了大量伤残军人.妥善安抚这些伤残军人及家属是当时重要的政治、社会问题.国民政府在经济困窘,社会动荡的情况下,扩大了教养院的规模,强化了其"管、教、养、安置"的功能,伤残军人抚恤呈现出由恤金抚恤向服务抚恤侧重,物质抚恤与精神抚恤结合的态势.这种抚恤方式虽然节约了开支,保障...     

土家族军事文化及其开发与保护

军事内容为土家族传统文化的重要组成部分。在漫长的历史进程中,土家族形成了以"爱国守土"为核心的尚武精神,以及独特的军事思想、战略战术、军队组织与军事武器。这些军事遗产是土家族人文资源的重要组成部分,具有很大的开发价值。     

Pandours,Partisans, and Petite Guerre: The Two Dimensions of Enlightenment Discourse on War

During the Enlightenment period a certain notion of war came to prominence in European thought. This notion, which I here refer to as ‘civilized war’, centred on the idea that European war-making in the eighteenth century was characterised by humanity and honour. This image of European war-making was sustained by a variety of intellectuals and even some military practitioners who reflected not only on the practice of war in Europe in this period, but on the practice of war among supposedly less ‘civilised’ peoples in other parts of the world and in Europe's barbaric past. In these other places, among other peoples, and at other times, warfare was characterised as altogether less ‘civilised’, less ordered, less humane and honourable, and was thus considered more ‘savage’. I will argue in this paper, however, that there were at least two dimensions to the Enlightenment discourse on civilised war: the first dimension stressed the moral qualities of civilised war, its honour and humanity above all; the second dimension emphasised its technical or rational qualities that gave European war-makers a decisive military advantage over non-European war-makers. These two dimensions applied to conventional or symmetrical war between sovereign militaries contending by massed fire power on the field of battle. They were less easily applicable to petite guerre, that is, unconventional, asymmetric or partisan war. Here, the two dimensions of the idea of civilised war were shadowed by persistent anxieties about the status of both dimensions of civilised war.     

British policy and European reconstruction after the first World War

The paper relates the concept of a European political identity to the development of the European Community's foreign policy. After a brief review of the idea of political identity as it developed in Europe over the last five centuries, the paper relates this concept to that of liberal democracy. It then turns to the European Community and the growth of its foreign policy. It addresses two questions: Could the concept of political loyalty to a territorially defined identity be replaced by that of institutional loyalty to not one, but a variety of overlapping institutions? Secondly, can the development of the European Community's foreign policy contribute to the development of a European sense of identity? Two short case studies, one on Yugoslavia, and one on economic aid to Eastern Europe, illustrate recent European Community foreign policy. The paper concludes with some speculations as to the future European political system and its applicability to other parts of the world.     

The Revolutionary Imperative

Abstract: In the last three decades in the advanced capitalist world, the idea of revolution has largely slipped from political view. The neoliberal moment seemed to smother any political possibility other than capitalism, but with that historical phase now itself fading, it may be a good time to revive the idea of revolution if for no other reason than that revolutions do happen. Certainly, the political right is concerned about the possibility of revolts resulting from the social privation resulting, in turn, from the global economic crisis. This essay attempts to explore and reanimate the notion of revolution, both historically and in the present context.     

Politics of tangibility,intangibility, and place in the making of a European cultural heritage in EU heritage policy

The EU has recently launched several initiatives that aim to foster the idea of a common European cultural heritage. The notion of a European cultural heritage in EU policy discourse is extremely abstract, referring to various ideas and values detached from physical locations or places. Nevertheless the EU initiatives put the abstract policy discourse into practice and concretize its notions about a European cultural heritage. A common strategy in this practice is ‘placing heritage’ – affixing the idea of a European cultural heritage to certain places in order to turn them into specific European heritage sites. The materialisation of a European cultural heritage and the production of physical European heritage sites are crucial elements in the policy through which the EU seeks to govern both the actors and the meanings of heritage. On the basis of a qualitative content analysis of diverse policy documents and informational and promotional material, this article presents five strategies of ‘placing heritage’ used in the EU initiatives. In addition, the article presents a theoretical model of circulation of the tangible and intangible dimensions of heritage in the EU heritage policy discourse and discusses the EU’s political intents included in the practices of ‘placing heritage’.     

The Netherlands in the constellation of the eighteenth-century Western revolutions

In the constellation of the eighteenth-century revolutions, the French events have always occupied a dominant position. Consequently the other European upheavals have been considered as being provoked or strongly influenced by France. Yet, the Dutch revolutions in the 1780s and 1790s provide some important nuances to this interpretation. Before the French took over the Bastille, there was already a Dutch revolution with devoted Patriots, speaking about rights of man and constitutions. The Patriots had to flee abroad in 1787. In 1795, thanks to the French Army, they were able to return to their drawing boards, eager to think anew their government and society. This paper investigates how they did it and whether the American and French precedents were so influential after all in the construction of the Batavian Republic.     

Deconstructing identities on the scaffold: the execution of Hugh Despenser the Younger, 1326

In this article, I will argue that the public execution of aristocratic traitors should be read in a wider socio-cultural context in conjunction with the more common interpretation of treason executions as state-controlled legalised violence. The latter approach tends to obscure the issues of honour and status which define identities created in a decidedly public sphere. This is in particular relevant for the limited number of elaborate executions of male aristocratic traitors in late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century England. Concerning only a handful of men, these executions stand out in their emphasis on public humiliation and degradation, as well as in their insistence on destroying the integrity of the traitor's body. This implies a shared cultural understanding of aristocratic masculinities, founded in notions of nobility of lineage, loyalty, military prowess and physical health. Treason, as breach of loyalty, undermined this image of nobility, and indeed created a contradiction in terms: conceptually, corrupted nobility could not exist. By examining these executions in the light of aristocratic masculine self-representations, it becomes clear that these events are as much about punishing crimes and the breach of loyalty as about re-aligning cultural notions of nobility and ignobility by means of the traitor's body.     

虚假新闻折射新闻职业道德——加强新闻职业道德之我见

新闻职业道德,是新闻工作者在长期的职业实践中形成的调整和处理新闻机构内外相互关系的行为规范或准则。当前,一些新闻工作者违背职业道德,给新闻事业造成了不良的影响。虚假新闻的出现,就是一些新闻工作者职业道德与操守缺失的表现。对此,笔者分析了产生虚假新闻的主要原因,认为要减少、杜绝虚假新闻现象,必须要加强新闻工作者的道德修养,树立正确的职业道德观。     

Show solidarity,live solitarily: the Nazi ‘New Europe’ as a ‘family of peoples’

Abstract

This chapter first investigates how the German Nazis used the term ‘European solidarity’ and demonstrates that the term meant political loyalty between European ‘peoples’ (Völker) in National Socialist discourses. Second, assuming that the Nazis’ objective in showing solidarity with or demanding loyalty from other nations was to increase strength in what they believed to be a conflict with ‘international Jewry’, it examines the logic of the Nazis behind including other European countries into their own camp in that conflict. It will be argued that the Nazis developed a sense of belonging with non-German Europeans based on three ideas: (1) the racist myth that all Europeans belonged to the ‘Aryan race’; (2) a Europe-wide consensus of the extreme Right on anti-Communism, antisemitism, and anti-democratic and ultra-nationalist worldviews; and (3) the existence of cross-border relations within Europe which led to shared experiences. The article draws on primary sources as well as on secondary literature about National Socialist concepts of Europe and about transnational academic, cultural and social relations in the National Socialist sphere of influence.     

Why protect civilians? Innocence,immunity and enmity in war

The issue of civilians in war has risen to new heights in international political consciousness in recent years. The principle of civilian protection has been at once the justification for war and the main guide to the conduct of such wars in Kosovo, Afghanistan ands most recently in Iraq. The so-called new wars of the 1990s have seen a consistent pattern of massive civilian atrocity and the new policies of massive global terrorism are similarly intent on civilian attack. It remains to be seen how well those pursuing the war against terror will hold to the civilian ethic. In truth, the idea of the civilian is a deeply contested one and has more usually been rejected than embraced by those who pursue war, political violence and terror. The simple power of the idea itself and the humanitarian sentiment that accompanies it to produce the notion of 'innocent civilians' cannot be relied upon to make a reality of civilian protection. Instead, the case for civilian identity and civilian protection must be determinedly and continuously argued in war. This means recognizing the main sources of political, passionate and practical objection to the civilian idea and taking them on one by one as they arise. Repeatedly arguing the case for civilian rights must be at the very heart of political, military, humanitarian and religious endeavour. Arguments of prudence and self-interest must be made alongside much deeper and more difficult moral arguments about people's innocence, their identity and their relationship to war. Holding fast to the civilian ethic in the face of terror and war requires significant moral argument and moral leadership from politicians, military commanders and ordinary people alike.     

Chiang Kai-shek's reading: an inquiry based on Chiang's diary, 1920s–1940s

At different times of his life, Chiang Kai-shek entertained three different images of himself: saint, hero and revolutionary guru. The orientation of his reading roughly corresponded with these roles: to be a saint, he emphasized moral learning and self-improvement; to be a hero, he stressed military strategy and politics; and to be the guru for a revolution, he had an enduring interest in the histories of revolutions in other nations. He seldom took an interest in books about knowledge, leisure or entertainment, which had little connection with these three roles. Chiang was closer to a traditional Chinese intellectual than to his predecessor Dr. Sun Yat-sen in his knowledge structure, value orientation and behaviour codes. Although Mao Zedong was as devoted to old Chinese books as Chiang, Mao preferred history and classical literature while Chiang preferred Confucian classics. Mao read old books from a historical materialist point of view, whereas Chiang synthesized “Three Principles of the People” (Sanmin zhuyi) with Confucian doctrines.