《每周评论》时期高一涵政治思想研究

<每周评论>对推动五四时期舆论界的进步起了极为重要的作用.作为新文化运动重要领导人物的高一涵,在<每周评论>上发表了许多文章,其政治思想表现为反对日本帝国主义的侵略,抨击军阀的黑暗统治,追求理想的民主政治,导引着进步舆论的前进.研究<每周评论>时期高一涵的政治思想,对于深化五四时期思想的研究,恢复高一涵的历史地位,有着重大的学术意义.     

论“五四”时期高一涵的自由主义观念

自由主义与近代中国知识分子问题的研究是近十几年来国内学界的一个热点。本试图采用微观实证的研究方法,依据高一涵“五四”时期在《新青年》等刊物上发表的论和译作,对他的自由主义观念加以具体的分析与评述。为了深化研究主题,作采用了对比分析的研究范式,将高一涵与不同时代的西方思想人物和《新青年》群体其他代表人物加以比较。作认为“五四”时期高一涵的自由主义观念既有显的个性特征,也有那个时代的一些共性特征。他对“自由主义”、“个人主义”、“民主”、“法治”等概念的分析论述,大大超越了《新青年》群体的一般认知,但他依然无法彻底摆脱中国传统的泛道德政治观和欧美各国唯心主义思想的影响。本的分析论述不但有助于我们了解自由主义观念在“五四”时期的具体表现形态,而且可以揭示“五四”知识分子群体思想转变的多种动因。     

《努力周报》时期高一涵的政治思想研究

本认为高一涵在《努力周报》时期的政治思想,主要是倡导联邦制下的分权思想,批判军阀黑暗政治的民主思想以及关于中国政治“根本改造”的思想,并充分肯定高一涵这一时期政治思想的进步性及其在中国现代思想史上的意义。     

高一涵与陈独秀、李大钊在一起的日子

高一涵,笔名涵庐,学名梦弼,今六安市东河口镇茶叶冲人,五四思想启蒙运动中的大众导师,我国著名的社会活动家。五四运动前后,他与陈独秀、李大钊结成挚友。在五四运动90周年到来之际,特作此文,以致缅怀。     

德国历史研究领域的一个重要成果--《德意志军事思想研究》介绍

由军事科学院研究员戴耀先主编、军事科学出版社出版的《德意志军事思想研究》一书在21世纪即将来临之际问世了.它是20世纪中国学术界在德国军事思想研究领域的较系统、较全面和最新的研究成果,将中国对德国军事思想的研究推上一个新台阶.该书以德国军事思想为主要研究对象,时间跨度长达20多个世纪,涵盖了德意志的形成和发展的整个时期,论述了军事与经济、政治、文化的不可分的关系,是中国学者在德国历史研究领域取得的又一成果.     

论五四时代民主观念的特点

民主观念是五四时期广为流行的观念之一。五四时期的民主思潮是近代以来民主思想在中国传播与发展的高峰。以往已有很多文章涉及这一课题,但似较少有人注意到这样一个事实:由于五四时期国内外政治格局和思想潮流发生巨变所产生的影响,作为社会思潮的民主观念的形态、内容、发展趋向等都发生了显著     

陈独秀的逝世及安葬经过详叙

陈独秀是中国思想启蒙运动的巨匠,“五四”时期新化的旗手,又是中国早期马克思主义名的传播,中国共产党的创始人,中国共产党第一至第六届中央委员会的总书记,他的历史影响和作用．无论是在思想化领域里还是在革命政治的旋斗中,都占有不可抹煞的闪光的历史地位。     

五四时期个人观念的历史内涵

五四时期,个人观念的提出构成了反传统道德的历史性力量,个体的独立和觉醒作为现代的原则被确立下来,这标志着对传统的批评和国民性改造所能达到的历史与人性深度。当然,批判传统文化,提倡个人独立的文化运动也不能完全被个人主义话语所涵盖。五四时期的个人观念也必须被置于与民族、社会、国家的关系中加以理解,个人观念的张力性结构在五四的思想表述中是一个普遍存在的事实。     

秦汉史研究的新进展——中国秦汉史研究会第十三次年会暨国际学术研讨会综述北大核心CSSCI

2011年8月召开的"中国秦汉史研究会第十三次年会暨国际学术研讨会",主要围绕着东汉史与秦汉时期的南阳、社会政治、社会法制、经济与地理、儒学与思想以及考古、简牍与文献等问题进行了深入研究和讨论。此次会议既有历史地理的考证和文献阐释的学术问题,也有研究汉代货币经济、乡村政治与民族边防等重大历史问题,视域新颖,参与广泛,体现了当今史学研究的最新进展。     

救亡与启蒙的变奏:五四时期陈独秀的心路历程

<正>陈独秀是公认的五四新文化运动的发起者和组织者。他为什么从民初政治运动转向文化启蒙而创办《青年杂志》?他在进行五四启蒙运动时是否忘怀了政治救亡?他为什么在五四政治运动后迅速从思想启蒙再次走上了新的政治救亡之路?他为什么会放弃欧美民主主义理念而接受列宁主义及无产阶级专政?这些问题,归结为一句话,就是五四时期陈独秀的思想究竟有着怎样的变化?从政治救亡走上思想启蒙,再从思想启蒙走向新的政治救亡,是五四时期陈独秀走过的心路历程。     

From Academic Nitpicking to a =New Culture Movement＇： How Newspapers Turned Academic Debates into the Center of ~May Fourth＂

Abstract In early 1919, people like Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu were regarded as members of an ivory-tower ＂academic faction＂ （xuepai）, embroiled in a debate with an opposing ＂faction.＂ After the May Fourth demonstrations, they were praised as the stars of a ＂New Culture Movement.＂ However, it was not obvious how the circle around Hu Shi and Chert Duxiu was associated with the May Fourth demonstrations. This link hinged on the way in which newspapers like Shenbao reported about the academic debates and the political events of May Fourth. After compartmentalizing the debating academics into fixed xuepai, Shenbao ascribed warlord-political allegiances to them. These made the Hu-Chen circle look like government victims and their ＂factional＂ rivals like the warlords＇ allies. When the atmosphere became hostile to the government during May Fourth, Hu Shi＇s ＂faction＂ became associated with the equally victimized May Fourth demonstrators. Their ideas were regarded as （now popular） expressions of anti-government sentiment, and soon this was labeled the core of the ＂New Culture Movement.＂ The idea and rhetoric of China＇s ＂New Culture Movement＂ in this way emerged out of the fortuitous concatenation of academic debates, newspaper stories, and political events.     

The May Fourth Movement as interpreted by the Chinese intelligentsia of the 1930s

Because of its intricate nature, the May Fourth Movement is bound to have been interpreted from a variety of angles with the passage of time. During the 1930s, the circle of Chinese intellectuals developed a diversity of interpretations that viewed the May Fourth Movement as, for example, a movement for personal liberty, an anti-feudal movement, a bourgeois cultural movement, or a movement of a quite complex character. In the meantime there also appeared the analogy of the May Fourth Movement to the Renaissance and Enlightenment. These interpretations – and analogies as well – actually imply the interpreters' own mentality and signify their own thinking. The concept of the May Fourth Movement conceived by one school of interpreters often changed with the actual needs of that school and hence turned out to be inconsistent. Nonetheless, the notions of the May Fourth Movement as fleshed out by different schools might also be seen to have something in common. Interpretations of this nature informed the essence of the May Fourth Movement and, to a further extent, displayed the trajectory and trend of history.     

塑造新思想:建国前后北京与上海的“五四”纪念活动

建国前后,北京和上海都举行了规模盛大的"五四"运动纪念活动,这两次活动都不仅仅是群众性的纪念仪式,更深刻的意义在于,它一方面号召继承"五四"革命精神,表达对现实服务的方向;另一方面则书写着自"五四"运动以来中国革命胜利的历史必然性,从而确证新民主主义理论的正确性以及对中国革命和即将展开的新中国建设的指导意义,即为新中国确立了一个新的思想坐标——马克思主义、毛泽东思想。这种以"五四"为中介而实质上是为了引导和塑造新思想的纪念活动方式,成为后来"五四"纪念的传统,为社会主义意识形态确立领导地位发挥了积极的作用。     

论五四新文化运动时期的“自觉”思潮

“自觉”是五四新化运动的一个重要方面。在这之前,由于政治上的原因,“自觉”问题已被普遍关注,其中最有代表性的就是“爱国心”与“自觉心”的讨论。五四新化运动的自觉思潮,直承爱国心与自觉心的讨论而来。但其内容已有深化,它所关注的重心是“青年之自觉”。所谓“青年之自觉”包括三个层次的意思,即青年对于国家之自觉,青年对于社会之自觉,青年对于个人之自觉。五四新化运动所主张的“青年之自觉”,一方面从西方浪漫主义思潮中吸取了灵感,另一方面也受到了儒家“心学”传统,特别是王阳明思想的影响。     

社会时代与历史认知：70年来五四运动研究衍变评述

社会时代对于人们认识历史的活动有着强烈的影响。中华人民共和国成立70年来,随着社会的发展,思想与生活的变迁,五四运动研究也相应地经历着某些值得关注的变化。特别是在运动的性质、领导权、与传统文化及西方文化的关系及某些关键人物的评价等问题上,不同时期的社会政治状况与思想倾向均对学界的相关认识与评价发生着明显的、强烈的影响,使之随着社会时代的发展而在不断地衍变。总地看来,70年来学界对五四运动的认识是愈来愈深入,愈来愈全面了。唯物史观认为,社会意识形态是社会经济、政治及社会生活的反映。历史认识是意识形态的重要内容,现实社会状况对于历史学研究的影响或制约也相应地更为明显。人们对于五四运动认识与评价的衍变证明着这一点。     

Wholeness and individuality: Revisiting the New Culture Movement,as symbolized by May Fourth

Abstract

The May Fourth New Culture Movement was a “convergent historical movement,” as well as a movement with a central purport and an intrinsic wholeness. The image of a homogeneous May Fourth formed unintentionally, and was also constructed by contemporaries and later generations. By examining the connections between the 1911 Revolution and the New Culture Movement from a more macroscopic perspective, exploring whether the latter was in fact a response to external impact or a self-awakening, observing how the debate over new versus old in the early Republican era developed to the point of a “culture” war, how the two-sided efforts for radical reforms reconciled destruction and construction, the interaction between the student movement and the New Culture Movement, and other aspects, thus examining the legacy of the New Culture Movement via perceptions in the post–May Fourth era, we can see that May Fourth has become a symbol of the New Culture Movement.     

中国共产党与2O世纪的中国——纪念中国共产党成立80周年

20世纪是中国走向现代化的世纪。辛亥革命的胜利、中华民国的建立,标志着中国走向现代化(主动)的正式启动;五四前后在经济(民族资本的发展)、思想(新文化运动)、政治(无产阶级登上政治舞台、中共成立、国共合作)等方面的成就,标志着中国走向现代化的全面启动;新民主主义革命的胜利、中华人民共和国的成立,开辟了中国走向现代化的广阔道路;改革开放使中国走上社会主义现代化的康庄大道,中国的现代化事业迅猛发展。在新的21世纪,中华民族将以更强劲的英姿屹立于世界民族之林。     

A study of the origins of the Chinese communist movement from a new perspective – The History of the Establishment of the Chinese Communist Party by Ishikawa Yoshihiro

From around the time of the Opium War to the May Fourth New Culture Movement, democracy in China advanced through four stages. Originally it surfaced as a germ of rough ideas gleaned from imported knowledge; from there, democracy transpired gradually via various avenues towards a more sophisticated level in the period from the Second Opium War until before the Sino–Japanese War of 1894–1895 and meanwhile a number of individuals favoring utilitarianism opted for a constitutional monarchy as a way of making the nation strong. Then, following the Sino–Japanese War 1894–1895 until prior to the 1911 Revolution, when manifold Western ideas of democracy penetrated China, people embarked on somber discussions about what kind of democratic system China actually needed to adopt. During the years between 1912 and the May Fourth New Culture Movement, people initially rushed to build democratic politics but afterwards began to examine the ideologies and social structures that demonstrated compatibility with democracy. By the time the May Fourth Movement emerged, people hardly disagreed on the sense of democracy that they understood. After the May Fourth Movement people mainly focused their attention on the question of true and false democracy or the matter of what type of democracy harmonized best with national conditions in China.     

"德先生"和"赛先生"之外的关怀——从"穆姑娘"的提出看新文化运动时期道德革命的走向

Today, Mr. Democracy and Mr. Science are always invoked in the discussion of the May Fourth New Culture Movement. However, Miss Moral, who was also introduced in the later stages of the movement, is much less known. It would clearly be of interest to study the way in which “moral” became a catchword but then faded away and was forgotten. The emphasis on solidarity and patriotism, stimulated by foreign encroachment that had existed since the late Qing Dynasty, began to shift to an ethical revolution centering on individual liberation. However, after the rise of the May Fourth Movement, public attention was attracted by collectivism and nationalism again, while the appeal for individuality and ethical revolution was decayed gradually. The introduction of Miss Moral had a direct relationship with the trend of ethical revolution in the later stages of the New Culture Movement. Translated from Lishi Yanjiu 历史研究 (Historical Research), 2006, (1): 79–95