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《中华文史论丛》2019,(4)
杜集宋本從編次上可分爲分體本(按體裁)、編年本(按時間)與分類本(按内容)三種系統。今存杜集的祖本王洙本是分體本,但王洙本的源頭是大致按時間順序編纂的唐代"舊蜀本"。此後宋代杜集編纂一方面以王洙分體本爲祖本,另一方面又順應杜詩"詩史"性質,將分體本重新編纂爲編年形態,這就形成了"唐人‘以時爲序’之本——宋人分體本——宋人編年本"的否定與否定之否定。這種編次矛盾達到一定程度後形成調和,出現以分體本爲框架、又對每首詩加以"題下繫年"的《黄氏補千家集注杜工部詩史》。"體例甚奇"的"海内孤本"《草堂先生杜工部詩集》實際上正是以《黄氏補千家集注杜工部詩史》爲底本,既保留每詩"題下繫年",又進一步以"體下再分體"方式編纂而成,成爲宋代杜集分體、編年調和的最終、也是最典型的文本形態。研究杜集,相對於宏觀的"卷帙分合"與微觀的"異文校勘"兩個層次,中觀層次的"篇目編次"研究具有合法性、合目的性與便於操作三點優勢。這對唐人别集研究也具有一定的方法論意義。 相似文献
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讖緯的基礎研究應重在知識構成的歷史學研究,不能僅從緯學與政治文化構建進程進行分析,而應重新契入傳統中國方術與博物之學的歷史語境中加以理解。作者提出讖緯研究的方術進路,以《龍魚河圖》爲個案展開“知識視域中緯書綜合研究”,考察其基本性格的成立、文本構造的知識譜系源流與方術形態面相及其社會歷史意義,將讖緯置於數術、方伎、物象的數理脈絡中觀照,嘗試在知識—信仰—社會歷史景深中,揭示讖緯與方術之間的“學理性義諦牢結”,探索構築讖緯研究新基盤的可能性。 相似文献
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甲午前中國人對引進鐡路與否的争論,常被研究者視爲中與西乃至先進與落後的對立。但由於此時西方尚未被樹立爲全面典範,洋務的倡導者和反對者其實能大致分享一個共通的意義世界,這恰是在以往研究中常被忽視的。本文通過考察鐵路資敵、擾民、失業所關係到我主彼客的軍事形勢、道本器末的認知框架、國家應否積極作爲的角色認知三個議題,指出争論者的觀點差别更應被看作在共同的意義世界和思想時空中做出的不同選擇。 相似文献
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基於唐詩生成的兩種近體詩律模型,爲律絶創作、詩體研究和文獻校勘提供了基本準則。通過對《全唐詩》全部五七言四八句詩歌的格律統計發現,林庚和啓功先生所提格律模型呈現率相對較高,但整體上完全符合標準模型的詩作比例較小,只是隨着拗變量的增加而覆蓋面益廣。鑑於中土文獻有關標準詩型的記載出現較晚,本文基於現有詩例,從句、聯、篇等層面分類分期考察了詩律模型的生成與演變。前人受限於文本形態和技術手段,難以實現全樣本、精確化的聲律統計。將《全唐詩》、《全宋詩》甚至近體詩歌作爲一個文本集來統計,可以超越抽樣分析而把握近體詩律的要素特徵與歷史演變,避免將標準模型作爲字音研判、異文辨析、體式分别的先驗標準。唐宋詩歌的標引計量與實證分析,有望將相關研究命題交叉驗證、關聯共現,從更多維度刻畫和揭示古典詩歌的聲律特徵。 相似文献
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李勣,曾用名李世勣,是唐初傑出軍事將領。傳統史學對李勣的評價很低,有的甚至徑直以"姦臣"相稱。關鍵是在唐高宗"廢王立武"事件中,李勣采取了支持唐高宗的立場。陳寅恪先生不以道德觀念評價歷史人物,認爲李勣支持武則天當皇后是因爲他們同屬於一個地域政治集團,這一觀點影響巨大。有學者棄用地域集團概念,轉用階層概念,認爲李勣與武則天同屬於"庶族地主"階層。考察李勣與唐高宗的關係發現,唐高宗長期信任李勣,在高宗的故臣中,李勣、李義府、許敬宗都是廢王立武的支持者。以李勣爲代表的高宗故臣在唐高宗與長孫無忌的政治鬥爭中的立場與作用,具有必然性。研究"廢王立武"事件,地域集團説和階層集團説,都有過度解釋之嫌。 相似文献
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一宋人對杜甫詩表現出極其濃厚的興趣,除了杜詩的注家外,一般的學人也經常熱烈地討論杜詩,試看二例:“吴門下喜論杜子美詩,每對客,未嘗不言。紹聖間為户部尚書,葉濤致遠爲中書舍人。待漏院每從官晨集,多未厭於睡,往往即坐倚壁假寐,不復交談。惟吴至,則强與論杜詩不已,人以爲苦,致遠輒遷坐於門外簷次。 相似文献
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君匋艺术院藏有一本丰子恺漫画集,是画赠给弟子钱君匋的。册页最后一页题有"何日云帆卸浦桥,银字筝调,心字香烧。流光容易把人抛,红了樱桃绿了芭蕉。"后属君匋仁弟雅属子恺画并,钤盖"丰子恺"白文方印。丰子恺这本漫画对题册页,左页为抒情漫,右页为诗,共十二页,优美的诗句简洁明快的画面相得益彰,也在最大度上突现了丰氏漫画中的文学意味及平民性,有一种朴素平易的美韵。现对这本册页里的画逐一作介绍。此册第一页画一只白鸟由青山间飞出,牵引出长者与小女孩的目光,眺望向远山,虽不画表情,却也能意会到他们放飞的心情与悠远的思绪, 相似文献
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《黔诗纪略》和《黔诗纪略后编》是贵州诗歌总集的集大成之作,附于《后编》之后的《黔诗纪略补》属“黔诗纪略”系列之三,它收录了未见于《黔诗纪略》的明代诗人谢士章的诗歌六十八首。谢士章复杂的身世、诗作曾遭禁毁的客观事实以及其在诗歌创作上的较高成就决定《黔诗纪略补》作为一部辑补性质的总集具有重要的意义。 相似文献
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章学诚一生治学处于"知难"的挑战下,而不被时人理解。在此心理事实基础上,针对考据学派、义理学派和辞章学派的解《诗》理论,他建构出以兴象和诗教解《诗》思想。包括重视《诗》的情感性和形象性;以《礼》约《诗》,设身处地的理解《诗》产生的时代语境。最终实现合考据、义理、辞章为一家的学术理想。章学诚的这种解《诗》思想以明道的角度,揭示了《诗》的本质特征和源流意义,贯彻了与之相始终的"六经皆史"的学术思想。 相似文献
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乾隆皇帝题诗《水经注》在前(乾隆三十九年二月),戴震完成《水经注》校订在后(乾隆三十九年十月)。但是,由于乾隆题诗没有注明题写的时间,又置于殿本《水经注》之卷首,后世便误认为《御题诗》是对戴震的"褒嘉"。《御题诗》之《序》,贬低"自明至今"的《水经注》版本,又竭力美化《大典》本。四库馆命戴震再校订那个据《大典》钞校的二手《水经注》时,处于极为棘手而尴尬的境地。因为遵照《御题诗》之《序》的旨意,要把一切胜处都归之于《大典》本,而把一切讹误都归之于"近刻"。从而也致使"《水经注》案"的争论,持续了两百多年。 相似文献
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In this attempt at an overall interpretation of Hadrian's poem (Büchner fr. 3) the author discusses the meaning of vagula and blandida in 1. 1 and puts a comma after vagula. He assesses in particular the two most disputed lines of the poem, 3 and 4, taking quae as an exclamation and adding some reasons for combining loca with pallidula rigida nudula. As to the marked use of diminutives ‐ 5 in as many lines ‐ the author sees no reason for giving them a uniform emotional meaning, but argues for grouping them into three categories according to the semantic value of the primitive involved. He discusses also how to read 1. 5 syntactically. In the last part of the study the aim is to show in what particular sense the poem can be reasonably taken as a product of the emperor's pen on his very deathbed. 相似文献
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君匋艺匋术院藏有石涛《苦瓜妙谛兰竹册》一册,此册正面有吴湖帆题签:"《大滌子兰竹册》,宋纸逸品六帧,吴湖帆题签。"这本清代石涛兰竹册页为国家一级藏品,纸本,水墨,纵31、横24.5厘米,分别描绘有兰花、兰竹、竹笋、兰石等,用笔秀润,用墨明雅,信笔而得,直抒胸臆,实乃石涛小幅画作里的精品佳作。 相似文献
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Lowell K. Handy 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(1):16-27
Abstract The translation to meaning of Psalm 82 changed through time and tradition. The polytheistic world of the author of the poem was not the accepted context for understanding the psalm when it was considered as part of the Bible. Jewish and Christian readings of the same text have traditionally been quite different. Examples of various understandings of the psalm from the author's to the Reformation's are presented to demonstrate that the official meaning of the biblical text actually has been different according to the tradition in which it has been read. 相似文献
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Geula Twersky 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2017,31(2):275-293
Gen 4,17-26 contains a curious poem, “Lamech’s Song,”, which interrupts the genealogy of Cain (Gen 4,23-24). Interpretations of Lamech’s perplexing song range from it being incoherent, to its playing a central role in the surrounding narrative and genealogy. This essay explores the meaning of Lamech’s song and demonstrates its significance within the larger context of the Cain narrative. The reading of the Lamech narrative and poem proposed in this essay points to Lamech as an egocentric man who objectified both men (who might wound him) and women (who are pleasing), thus portraying Lamech as an even more sinister and corrupted version of Cain. Understanding the message of Lamech’s song as an articulation of his world-view that “might makes right,”, leads to an appreciation for the poem’s placement in the center of the Cain-Lamech narrative. 相似文献
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Murat Umut Inan 《Iranian studies》2017,50(5):671-689
This article revisits the common discourse that Ottoman poetry is a derivative imitation of Persian poetry. I begin by surveying and discussing the discourse of imitation that has pervaded approaches to Ottoman poetry in particular and Ottoman literature in general. Then I turn to explore how Ottoman poets engaged with Persian poetry by focusing on a lyric poem composed by the Ottoman sultan Süleyman the Magnificent (1494?1566) in imitation of the Persian master poet Hafiz of Shiraz (ca. 1315?90). In light of intertextual analysis, I illustrate and discuss the intricate ways in which Süleyman models himself on Hafiz in crafting his poem. I conclude with the idea that a closer analytical look at Ottoman poets’ intertextual dialogue with Persian poetry can offer better insights into the Ottoman reception of Persian poetic models as well as into the meaning and workings of imitation in the Ottoman literary context. 相似文献
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方孝标《光启堂集》清楚地昭示了他游闽越的原因,《钝斋文选》虽系游滇黔的归后作,并大量收录了他游滇黔的纪闻作品,但对滇黔行的游因只字未提。方孝标游闽越滇黔都是为了借贷还修城的欠款,任务完成即归。康熙五十年"《南山集》案"中朝廷加给方氏的归顺"吴逆"罪和方氏乡党赞美他的"气节说"都不符合史实。 相似文献