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1.
孤幼不仅存在抚育的问题,逻有财产辽侵夺的危机。汉唐政府没有把照顾孤幼视为政府的责任,直到宋代,才有专门针对孤幼生活与财产的制度设计。孤幼检校法有保障孤幼生活,与保全其财产的作用。儿女分产法是专为分配孤幼家产而立的新法。前者只要有宗亲族人愿意抚育孤幼,国家就不强制执行该法。後者源自张咏的判例,是由男子承分中拨出部分作为孤幼的生活费,而调整男、女的财产比例,遂出现“女合得男之半”的特别法。但《名公书判清明集》所引儿女分产法极为筒略,实际运用上有模糊空间,又可能与父系成员的利益发生冲突,所以该法只见於南宋,往後便不再行用。  相似文献   

2.
在唐後期經五代到北宋初期財政中樞管理體制的演變過程中,雖然唐末曾出現以一名重臣主判三司的個别事例,後梁曾設置建昌宫使、國計使、租庸使分擔了一部分財政中樞的職權,但總體上看,唐末、後梁實行的仍然是宰相分判三司制。後唐纔正式改行一人專判三司制,但專判人選來源有多途,其職銜稱號有多種;任命財政最高長官時,"判三司"與充"三司使"是兩種不同的正式職銜,輪流使用,但宰相被任命爲"判三司"之後也可被稱爲"三司使"。後唐的一人專判財政三司制顯示出較高的行政管理效率,故爲後晉、後漢、後周乃至北宋初期所繼承。與此同時,專判者的權力逐步增强,地位明顯提高。  相似文献   

3.
朱國治在江寧巡撫任上發動的奏銷案是清初重大歷史事件,雖屢經學界探討,然種種細節仍有待發覆。本文在發掘、整合新舊材料基礎上認爲,該案與明清奏銷制度息息相關。進而根據考證,認定該案名稱當爲"順治十七年分江寧撫屬奏銷案";並從錢糧清查與奏銷制度建設、區别"三欠"民欠、清廷政策轉向、官員考成嚴苛化及朱國治個人因素等方面考察發案原因;繼而詳考該案所應用的則例及案發的詳細過程。在詳細探討韓世琦對江寧撫屬奏銷案的繼續推進和清查工作基礎上,對清廷清理該案細節作出揭示。同時考察該案罹案人員在案發後的種種經歷,兼及部分人員艱難的起復過程。然後從審計制度建設、江南行政體系調整及財税制度建設三個方面具體探討奏銷案的影響,進而認爲該案對社會發展具有利弊相參的作用,一方面嚴重打擊江南士紳階層,另一方面則促進清廷諸項制度建設,並一定程度地維持了江南的穩定,標誌清廷對江南的征服,已由軍事或政治手段,轉化爲經濟與政治相結合。  相似文献   

4.
《文物》1951,(11)
本省自反封建鬥爭開始以來,各種文物,渐有散失,這些文物都是中國幾千年來民族的文化遺產,都是中國人民不可以價值計算的人民財富。過去各界人士,搜藏這些文物,都花費了不小的心力與財力。自反封建鬥爭開展以後,中央人民政府爲保護這些文物,曾經頒發了各種指示和辦法如禁止  相似文献   

5.
劉增合 《中华文史论丛》2011,(3):17-56,389,390
戰時財政是一種非常態財政,辛亥鼎革期間,爲配合戰爭機器運轉,清廷被迫放棄預算財政軌道,轉入停辦其他新政,籌措所有潛在財源,力顧國防的戰時財政狀態。在部庫與省庫均近乎告罄的情況下,部省極力籌畫舉借外債,但先後格於列强的中立政策,不具成效;統兵將帥與北省督撫極力獻策發掘内款的各種方案,卻依然難遂人願。因部庫窘困,清廷針對戰時請款不得不流於敷衍,空言指撥,而無實際,戰時財政運籌由此陷入絶境。它折射出財政改制面臨巨大變故後,國省財政應對乏術,内外疏離趨於顯性的極端態勢。  相似文献   

6.
《元史》中有順帝至元三年"謚唐杜甫爲文貞"的記載,本文基於對元代大量文獻包括方志的考察,首先,對請謚人也速達兒的身世作了考證,指出他是蒙古後裔,曾爲官三朝,致仕時升授秘書大監,最後歸隱於四川果山。其次,通過對也速達兒在同一時期主持的其他文教事業的調查,説明他爲杜甫請得謚號,與他立學宫、建書院、遍行東南收書以及鑄禮器等一系列壯舉是同步進行的,這在當時就是一個引人矚目的文化事件。再次,通過對請謚與追謚的時代背景的多方面考察,説明爲杜甫請謚,與順帝朝罷免伯顔這一極其重要的政治事件有關,並關涉元代後期的文化重建。最後,通過對虞集、貢師泰等一批文士,在也速答兒請謚杜甫及大興文教過程中起到的作用的考察,説明這一請謚及追謚在元代文學史上的意義。  相似文献   

7.
<正>後梁、後唐、後晉、後漢、後周更迭的五代,既是唐朝後期藩鎮割據局勢的發展,又是北宋重建中央集權的先聲。就財政管理體制而言,五代在唐朝後期的基礎上有了重要變化,且影響及於北宋。關於五代的財政管理體制,現有研究多矚目于中央財政主管機構的演變1,對於五代中央財政與地方財政的劃分這一財政管理體制的重要内容則尚未有專論。事實上,五代的藩鎮對於唐朝後期以來中央財政與地方財政的劃分制度之利弊感同身受,其間  相似文献   

8.
《老子》書中的"爲"有一種專指老子所反對的不合"道"的行爲的特殊用法,這種"爲"與以"聖人"爲行爲主體的合"道"的"爲"義正相對。對《老子》中的"聖人"而言,"無爲"之義已由"天道無爲"説的"不見其爲之之迹"變爲"没有不合‘道’的行爲"了。根據《老子》用韻之文等線索,《老子》書中專指老子所反對的行爲的"爲"和"無爲"之"爲"原來應該是讀去聲的。從老子主張聖人應"爲"之事來看,他的社會、政治思想主要是消極、落後的。  相似文献   

9.
唐末五代時期,收養義兒是統治者招攬人才、鞏固統治的常見方式。不少將領即以義兒的身份成爲各集團的核心力量。然而在後唐政局中,有一個羣體與李克用諸義兒有所類似,他們大多出身降將,因種種原因被唐莊宗賜予姓名,其待遇、權力、影響亦與李克用諸義兒相仿佛,是後唐政局中的重要力量,可謂之"同姓集團"。唐莊宗在團結拉攏這批將領的同時,又通過整頓、閒置、"選諸軍驍勇者爲親軍"等方式限制舊部的權力,力圖超越過去部落、藩鎮的模式,打造一個中央集權的政府。但這些努力隨着唐明宗李嗣源的成功政變而宣告失敗。唐明宗面對這些"同姓集團",采取了改還姓名的措施;而對於尚有半獨立性質的李從曮等人,則將其姓名中的代表莊宗的"繼"改爲象徵自己的"從"字。名字的變動體現了對正統性的爭奪。李從珂更進一步,在其篡奪義兄李從厚的皇位之後,下詔去除諸王大臣名字中的"從"字,試圖獨占象徵明宗嫡支的行(5,表明惟有自己纔能繼承明宗的法統。  相似文献   

10.
本文考察六朝時期三吴地域內的寒人階層的政治出路。認爲該地域內的寒人往往先通過經商積累財富,然後付高額的學費,成爲有勢力的士人的門生,之後依照朝廷慣例由士人推薦入仕。其中部分在皇帝身邊工作的,因緣時會,成爲恩倖,執掌大權。南朝的恩倖大部分出自三吴地域。六朝時期三吴地域的寒人們利用自身的財富,爲自己鋪就了一條政治出路。  相似文献   

11.
In 1994, the Rwandan civil war and genocide produced thousands of orphans. Alongside the war, the growing HIV/AIDS crisis in Rwanda has produced a current population of about 300,000 orphans — many of whom are compelled to head households. These orphans urgently require land use rights, but many find that their rights to their deceased parents’ customary land holdings are denied or restricted by their guardians and others. Despite the legal protections for children that are guaranteed within Rwanda's laws, the reality is that many guardians do not respect orphans’ land rights and few orphans have sufficient access to administrative and legal forums to assert and defend these rights. In contrast to most accounts in the literature that discuss more generally the issue of African orphans’ land rights in the context of adults’ land rights, this article focuses on specific cases in which Rwandan orphans independently pursued their land rights. Ultimately, the article concludes that in Rwanda — and elsewhere in Africa — government officials should re‐examine their ideas about guardianship and grant orphans urgent attention as individuals and as a special interest group.  相似文献   

12.
There are about one million orphans in Malawi. The global response has been a mix of alarm and inaction, with well-intended efforts often stymied by misunderstandings about childhoods, family dynamics, and poverty in Malawi. This paper uses children's geographies and interviews with 25 orphans in Malawi to bring forward the everyday lives and circumstances of orphans at the micro-scale, while addressing the impact of macro-scale processes such as the Millennium Development Goals and transnational charities. The results point to specific problems with contemporary understandings of orphanhood in southern Africa and underscore the need for reflection on the effectiveness of interventions targeted at orphans as a discrete group.  相似文献   

13.
Recipient communities often distribute humanitarian aid in unexpected ways that reveal critical power dynamics and relationships. This article examines a case involving ‘orphan kits’ distributed by the staff of an international non-governmental organization in Mozambican woodland communities. The kits contained food and school supplies allocated according to a strict gender distribution mandate, which was of secondary importance compared with local obligations tied to enduring matrilineal social relations. Families divided the kits among kin and allocated a portion of the kits to local leaders as tribute. The seemingly simple act of leaders placing orphans on a list can signify the future arrival of much-needed support while also sparking fears of disciplinary powers governing family structures, labor and culturally and politically oppositional lives. Rumors narrate the effects of particular list-making procedures, allowing families to observe, interpret and express ideas about coercive and productive power relations. Rumors took up kit contents such as sardine tins to catalyze debates about proper leadership and comportment of orphans and their families. The article illustrates how feminist geographers can treat rumor and liminal interventions seriously as constitutive of contested power relations rooted in eco-social spaces.  相似文献   

14.
15.
Max Counter 《对极》2018,50(1):122-141
This research theorizes Colombia's 2011 Victims’ and Land Restitution Law (the Victims’ Law) as a biopolitical program that intends to foster the lives of conflict‐affected populations through providing an array of reparation measures. Based on fieldwork with internally displaced landmine victims in Colombia's Magdalena Medio region, I highlight how the Victims’ Law constitutes the identity of which populations count as “victims” worthy of reparations, how such parameters are contested, and how landmine survivors’ sense of themselves as “victims” is mediated via their experiences with the Victims’ Law and the reparation programs it provides. In particular, I highlight the possibilities and limitations of reparation measures that hinge on small‐scale business incubation programs for landmine victims to show how a legally recognized victimhood category presupposes “self‐responsible” neoliberal subjects who must confront contexts of conflict and state neglect.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

Despite a recognition that Welsh poor law authorities were less than welcoming to many of the strictures of the Poor Law Amendment Act in 1834, historians have tended to downplay the importance of their resistance in the context of the wider anti-poor law ‘movement’ across England and Wales. Instead, a general consensus has arisen that Welsh boards of guardians tended to resist the New Poor Law on the grounds of financial expediency or provincial insularity, rather than because of any ideological or humanitarian hostility towards its provisions. This article presents compelling evidence that this consensus is quite wrong, and demonstrates in turn that, not only were Welsh guardians far more successful in their resistance to the new workhouse regime even the most recalcitrant English unions, but that that resistance was founded upon a long-standing and coherent antipathy to the punitive nature of the workhouse as an institution, rather than simply being founded on short-term financial or practical considerations.  相似文献   

17.
20世纪80年代的婚姻法律与婚姻家庭变迁   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
颁布于中国全面改革开放起步时期的1980年《婚姻法》,反映了国家在婚姻家庭领域的法制重建以及社会转型带来的家庭婚姻制度的变化。在社会上引起较大反响的主要有三个方面:第一,明确了夫妻财产制,人们的个人财产权利意识增强;第二,实行计划生育政策,但由于重男轻女思想的影响,使性别选择问题更突出地表现出来;第三,明确把感情破裂作为离婚的条件,但“感情破裂”的衡量标准很难掌握,司法部门在处理离婚案件时仍有很大困难。总之,1980年《婚姻法》是一部承前启后的法律,它既是对1950年《婚姻法》的继承与发展,又通过20年的司法实践,为2001年《婚姻法》的修正案的制定作了法律上的铺垫。  相似文献   

18.
来君 《攀登》2009,28(1):103-106
构建和谐社会必须树立法律信用。法律信用是指法律严格遵守其所明示的、确定的规则和内容。以它对公平和正义的理性追求和坚定实践所赢得的社会主体对它的信任。法律信用是法律作为制度规范整体所具有的信用,法律既有信用又能够被信仰,是法治的美好前景与和谐社会的坚强后盾。  相似文献   

19.
《张家山汉墓竹简·二年律令》中诸律的制作年代试探   总被引:10,自引:2,他引:8  
高敏 《史学月刊》2003,(9):32-36
对《二年律令》中《户律》、《赐律》、《秩律》、《置后律》及《收律》等的制作年代进行考证,证明《二年律令》中的诸律并非制作于同一时期,从而为正确运用《二年律令》提供了可供参考之处。  相似文献   

20.
This article argues that St. George Tucker, during his tenure as Professor of Law and Police at the College of William and Mary from 1790 to 1804, transformed American law professors, as distinguished from their English counterparts, into teachers who have primarily focused on educating students for the practice of nearly all areas of law, and who have influenced the development of law through legal scholarship and activism.  相似文献   

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