Trials and tribulations of the Canadian fruit-growing industry

The paper gives a comparative and historical assessment of climatic and economic hazards in the five main fruit‐growing areas of Canada, and how the industry has responded. The northern location of fruit growing in Canada poses a number of climatic hazards. The most serious hazard is winter low‐temperature injury to trees and vines, which results in a capital loss and crop loss for up to five years. The industry has responded to this hazard by abandoning fruit growing in areas with unfavourable climatic conditions and concentrating in areas with the most favourable climatic conditions. Other responses include changing to hardier varieties, improving management practices, and government subsidies. The fruit‐growing industry has also had to face many economic hazards, including changes in technology and consumer preferences, changes in international trade rules, increased foreign competition, a cost‐price squeeze, and urbanization of the industry's land base. These economic hazards area a greater threat to the industry than the natural hazards because, in most cases, there are limited coping mechanisms available to growers, and economic globalization is preventing the federal and provincial governments from providing an adequate safety net. L'article nous présente une évaluation comparative et historique des risques climatiques et économiques des cinq principales régions agricoles du Canada, ainsi que les réactions de cet industrie face à ceux‐ci. La situation géographique nordique des champs de fruits au Canada amène un certain nombre de risques climatiques. Les basses températures de la saison hivernale causent le plus de dommages aux arbres et aux vignes, ce qui se traduit en une perte de capitaux et une perte de récoltes allant jusqu'à cinq ans. La réaction de l'industrie de l'agriculture face à ces risques fût d'abandonner les endroits dont les conditions climatiques ne favorisaient pas la récolte de fruits. II a aussi été question d'utiliser des variétés plus résistantes au froid, d'améliorer les pratiques de management, et les subventions gouvernementales. L'industrie de la culture de fruits a aussi fait face à des risques économiques, incluant les changements technologiques et les préférences alimentaires des consommateurs, les changements au niveau des règles d'échanges internationaux, la compétition croissante au niveau international, une réduction du prix‐coûtant, et l'urbanisation des terres agricoles. Ces risques économiques représentent un plus grand danger pour l'industrie que les risques naturels puisque, dans la plupart des cas, les agriculteurs se retrouvent avec des moyens de rechange limités et la mondialisation économique empêche les gouvernements fédéral et provincial de fournir des mesures de sécurité adéquates.     

The equally “bad” French and English farmers of Quebec: New TFP measures from the 1831 census

New TFP estimates drawn from the neglected census of 1831 for Lower Canada are used to test the controversial (but still dominant) traditional “poor French farmers” explanation for a prolonged economic crisis. The new evidence shows that French-speaking areas were equally as productive as English-speaking areas, something that upturns the established consensus and reinforces the minority viewpoint that culture had little to do with the crisis. Using a broad range of controls, the researchers find that this conclusion is robust and that other variables such as settlement recency, environment, and economic structure were much more significant determinants of TFP. These results warrant the abandonment of the cultural explanation and a shift toward other explanatory channels.     

A Defense Renaissance? The Canadian Conservative Government and the Military

Conservative Party leader Stephen Harper campaigned in 2006 that, if elected, his government would make major improvements to Canada’s military. Emphasizing the decline that had befallen the once proud institution under the Liberals, Harper spoke of the spending increases and new capabilities that would result if his party emerged victorious in the upcoming vote. Seven years later, and two years after the prime minister was finally rewarded with a majority government, it seems like an opportune time to examine the Harper defense record. The article will show that defense spending has increased and a string of new equipment projects have been announced. However, the article will also reveal that the spending increases are almost certainly over, while few of the capital programs are actually progressing. Thus, the Harper defense record is ambiguous, and does not constitute the dramatic change that was promised.     

The Southern Conservative Thought of John C. Calhoun and the Cultural Foundations of the Canadian Identity

Besides the largely ignored fact of general Canadian support for the Southern Confederacy during the American Civil War, the consociational dimensions of Canadian Confederation, as something opposed to American unionism in cultural terms, finds its historical roots legitimized in the Southern conservative writings of John C. Calhoun. It is the tension between an institutionally entrenched foundation of consociational pluralism and growing urban cosmopolitanism within Canadian history that has defined the debates and divides over the meaning of the Canadian identity, just as it is. Alternatively it is the tension between enforced constitutionalist unionism and consociational cultural tradition within the American South that has largely defined their historical experience. Both Canada and the American South find the tensions of their cultural identities rooted in the consociational values originally laid out by nineteenth century Southern conservative political thought.     

America and the Canadian Presence: As the United States Faces Global Challenges,How Does Canada Fit In? 1

On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Center for Canadian–American Studies at Western Washington University, the author considers the trends that will shape US–Canadian relations over the next 40 years. Specifically the author considers the deepening of continental economic integration; the consequences of reaching the limits of current governance of integration and the coming need to negotiate new arrangements and institutions to manage the shared economy; the importance of an anticipated drive for greater public sector productivity in both countries at the federal and state/provincial levels; and the implications of a generational transition in the management of the relationship from the Baby Boomers to a younger generation with an attendant need to maintain the best traditions of amicable bilateral relations while evolving and adapting the management of the relationship in keeping with changing times and new challenges. For each of these changes, it is to be hoped that education in Canadian studies will be available for future leaders in the public and private sectors.     

Government Protection of Domestic Communications as National Defense: Assessing Canadian Government Policies

In the nominal interest of promoting a national identity and a stronger federation, a range of public policies have been implemented by the Canadian government to encourage and facilitate cross-subsidization in the Canadian telecommunications and broadcasting industries. The main policy instruments involve government regulations and foreign ownership restrictions that contribute to higher revenues for domestic producers of communication services than would otherwise be realized. The quid pro quo is that domestic telecommunications carriers and broadcasters must undertake costly and unprofitable actions that involve subsidizing activities such as rural telephone services and “Canadian entertainment content.” Unfortunately, there is little evidence that the relevant policies promote the goal of strengthening Canada’s national identity. Furthermore, they are inefficient, as well as nontransparent. The fact that several other countries, particularly France, have lauded Canadian content regulations as a “model” for smaller, open economies, they are more appropriately viewed as the socially undesirable outcome of a muddled public choice dynamic.     

Technical Standards and the Integration of the U.S. and Canadian Economies

One of the most challenging aspects of the study of Canadian political thought is its apparent lack of a clear consensus (perhaps in the form of a “grand theory”) that provides it with more structured analytical organization and parameters. This absence can be remedied through an explicit recognition of the competing traditions that have contributed to the mosaic of Canadian philosophical and political beliefs and values. The interplay between liberal and communitarian traditions of Canadian political thought could provide the basis for this sort of model, though other contributions also need to be acknowledged and considered.     

Toward an Understanding of Canada’s International Identity

ABSTRACT

This article examines the construction of Canada’s postwar international identity and how that identity continues to influence Canadian foreign policy, especially with the United States. Furthermore, the article illustrates how changes in Canadian policy necessitated by the Trump Administration may impact Canada’s international identity in the future. The article argues Canadian policy makers have consistently constructed an international identity in opposition to the United States and continue to use the US as a reflective tool in shaping their own policy. The first part of the article briefly examines the concept of state identity outlining both type and role variants and their relevance to foreign policy and this is followed in the second part by a discussion of Canada’s postwar international identity.     

Alberta’s Great Experiment in Senatorial Democracy

In 2014, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that the unelected nature of the Senate is an inherent feature of Canadian parliamentary democracy and is a central pillar of the constitution. Members of the Upper House are appointed by the Governor General, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister. The decision taken by the Prime Minister is not subject to review by Parliament or the provincial legislative assemblies. Patronage appointments have given the Senate a reputation as a dumping ground for political friends and party insiders. In 1989, the province of Alberta enacted the Senatorial Selection Act, arguing that it would serve as a stepping stone for substantive reform to the Senate. The province has held four elections in which the people of the province have chosen senators-in-waiting. This article argues that the Court’s opinion in Reference re Senate Reform undermines the foundation upon which the provincial statute rests.     

Reflections of the “Roving Britishers”: British Travel Writing on Canada 1900–1915

This article analyzes a selection of travel accounts by nine British authors who journeyed across Canada between 1900 and 1914. The monographs, all published in London, purported to present authentic and up-to-date observations of Canada, the eldest Dominion in the Imperial “family,” to British and Canadian audiences. Additional goals of their narratives, and less clearly acknowledged, were to convince English Canadians of the value of strengthening a British–Canadian identity and remaining within the British Empire. To that end, the narratives explore strikingly similar themes, including anxieties surrounding immigration and the United States threat to Canada, while reinforcing notions of Empire as an indissoluble family. The article illustrates how travel narratives reflect psychological as well as physical journeys and are thus valuable windows on complex cultural encounters among the British and Canadians in this period.     

加拿大中国移民创业模式新探

论文在有关加拿大中国移民最新研究成果基础上,从移民经济适应行为的视角,对移民群体特征及其所面临的机会进行了分析阐述,并提出了一个移民自主创业的分析模型。该模型将移民自主创业行为区分为四种模式,即族裔经济、一般企业、海归企业和跨国创业。随着市场环境、母国政策及企业自身发展水平的不断变化,移民企业家的经济活动可能表现为在几种模式之间的过渡或跃迁。对移民经济行为的研究,需要突破传统的族裔经济的视野,把移民的经济参与放在一个社会经济日益开放、国际社区间联系日益紧密的大背景下加以考虑。     

Time to Grow Up? Canadian Understandings of Revolutionary Cuba to the Missile Crisis of 1962

The Cuban missile crisis was a moment during the Cold War when rhetoric, brinkmanship, and politics intersected with notions of masculinity, empire and colonization to nearly disastrous ends. The crisis occurred at a moment of transition in Canada in which Canadians were profoundly concerned over the state of Canadian–Cuban relations and Canada’s place in the world. This article examines how previous understandings and preconceptions of “Cuba”—such as feminized and infantilized images of Cuban leader Fidel Castro in political cartoons and editorials in newspapers – influenced how Canadians understood the crisis, their nation and how the Canadian government should interact with other powers. While both negative and positive images of Castro and Cuba were present in Canadian public discussion, Canadians utilized the same imagery to argue that their government should act in its own best interests after the missile crisis.     

民国时期河南水旱灾害及其政府应对

民国时期是河南水旱灾害频繁发生的时期,不仅灾害出现的频率高,而且灾害的强度也非常大。为了应对灾害,政府采取了不同程度的应对措施。事实证明,没有政府的救灾措施,灾害的影响是不可想象的。一个转型中的政府越来越有力地确立自己在赈灾过程中的主导性地位。     

Foreign Policy Reviews and Canada's Trade Policy: 1968–2009

Governments, upon assuming office, most often seek to refocus foreign policy according to the preferences of the new prime minister and the primary means of accomplishing this has been to release a white paper outlining the priorities of the new government. This article will demonstrate that discussions of trade issues reinforce existing studies questioning the innovation and impact of white papers. The purpose of this analysis, however, is not to dwell on the utility of white papers and foreign policy reviews but instead search for a deeper understanding of why trade policy is discussed in an unoriginal and superficial manner. The focus of the article is on the period from 1968 to the present.