The dynastic triangle in international relations: Modena,England, and France, 1678–85

This article is a case study of how dynastic marriages in the early-modern period were wont to disappoint the participants. In this era, ruling dynasties frequently sought to marry suitable members of their family networks to well-placed clients in other states. These marriages were frequently intended to cement friendship or bind political wounds caused by previous conflicts. In 1673, the marriage between James Stuart, Duke of York, and Maria Beatrice d’Este, sister to the Duke of Modena, was sponsored by Louis XIV, King of France, thus giving rise to what one might term a ‘dynastic triangle’. This article, written from the Este perspective, demonstrates how the Duke of York and the King of France each subsequently failed, on two occasions, to support Francesco II d’Este's geopolitical objectives in northern Italy. For York, and his brother King Charles II, the failure to assist the Duke of Modena was as a result of their political inability to do so. On the other hand, Louis XIV's refusal to help Modena was because of conflicting French objectives in Italy. The negative Este reaction was both an indication of the Italian states’ fear and distrust of France, and a reminder that small states had ambitions and goals which were difficult to attain when not sponsored by a larger power. But these goals were often pursued when such sponsorship appeared likely, and were often unrealistic. The strains in dynastic relationships usually resulted from realisation that certain goals were irreconcilable.     

Miners,Masculinity and the ‘Bataille du Charbon’ in France 1944–1948

In 1944, the French provisional government, backed by the Parti communiste français and the Confédération générale du travail, undertook an aggressive propaganda campaign to persuade miners to embark upon a ‘battle for coal’ which raised their efforts in extracting coal to that of a national endeavour. At the same time, miners had great hopes that nationalisation of the coal industry, under discussion at this time, would bring significant improvement to their working lives. In identifying the ways in which publicists posited miners as an ideal of working-class manhood, this article will argue that ‘la bataille du charbon’ marks a crucial moment in the celebration of working-class masculinity and that the ‘statut des mineurs’ which was passed in 1946 as a part of nationalisation enshrined many of the existing gender assumptions about mining life. What does an incorporation of gender to an analysis of the treatment of miners in the years 1944–1948 add to our understandings of the various economic, political and social dynamics around ‘la bataille du charbon’? How do these insights inform our perceptions of French coalfield societies in the mid-twentieth century?     

Les fondements d’une phénoménologie de la littérature selon Jan Patočka

Le phénoménologue tchèque Jan Pato?ka, auteur d’une phénoménologie asubjective défendant la thèse d’un procès asubjectif de l’apparaître (d’une autonomie du phénomène par rapport à l’ego), a accordé au problème des relations nécessaires et difficiles que la philosophie entretient en son sein même avec la littérature une attention particulière qui l’a conduit à poser les fondements d’une phénoménologie de la littérature centrée autour de l’idée d’un asubjectivisme de l’écrivain. Nous suivrons ici deux axes de réflexion connexes: premièrement, nous montrerons pourquoi et comment Pato?ka restaure le vocabulaire et la vision de l’homme propres au mythe et reprend ce qu’il aperçoit comme le fondement de la tragédie pour élaborer une nouvelle compréhension du phénomène de l’existence comme mouvement. Deuxièmement, nous décrirons le rôle que joue l’écrivain moderne à une époque marquée par la fragmentation de la vie. Car l’écrivain qui édifie une “littérature métaphysique” a le privilège, selon Pato?ka, d’être “l’administrateur propre et originel de l’intégralité de la vie et de la totalité universelle”, il est ainsi une sorte de “quasi-phénoménologue” dont la philosophie ne peut se passer si elle veut saisir ces phénomènes qui, sans être purement et simplement subjectifs, ne peuvent néanmoins être réduits à l’objectivité du concept.     

Entre Huguenots et Valteline: La France,les Archiducs et la fin de la Trêve de Douze Ans, 1619–21

Abstract

Le rôle qu’a joué la France dans les négociations menant à la Trêve de Douze Ans a déjà reçu bien des attentions de la part des historiens des relations internationales à l’époque moderne. Dans cette contribution, je voudrais analyser et expliquer l’attitude des dirigeants français vis-à-vis d’une éventuelle prolongation de la Trêve, qui allait expirer en avril 1621. Ceci est en effet un aspect qui a reçu nettement moins d’attention dans l’historiographie des relations diplomatiques entre la France et les Habsbourg d’Espagne. Utilisant la correspondance de Jean de Péricard, ambassadeur français à Bruxelles pendant les dernières années du régime souverain des archiducs Albert et Isabelle, cette contribution démontrera que le jeune roi Louis XIII et ses conseillers désiraient une rupture de la Trêve pour deux principales raisons. Premièrement, par la création d’un nouveau front aux Pays-Bas, ils désiraient opposer l’expansion du pouvoir espagnol en Allemagne et dans la Valteline. Deuxièmement, les dirigeants français désiraient aussi affaiblir la République des Provinces-Unies, qui soutenait les rebelles huguenots s’opposant au pouvoir royal. Dans cette optique, la principale tâche de l’ambassadeur français à Bruxelles était de contrecarrer les initiatives indépendantes des archiducs.     

The Pepys Apocalypse (Cambridge,Magdalene College,MS Pepys 1803) and the readership of religious women

In 1405 Richard Scrope, archbishop of York, rebelled against Henry IV and was executed. He has been seen by historians as being easily led into rebelling against the king by other rebels and also as rather a fool. Although it survives in no contemporary copy, a Manifesto containing 10 charges against Henry's government was attributed to the archbishop by contemporaries. Contemporary chroniclers and historians alike have disparaged this document as having little to do with political reality and as such reflects the simple-mindedness of its author; Archbishop Scrope. This article discusses six of the charges (grouped in pairs) contained in various versions of the Manifesto that centre on Henry IV's alleged abuses of government, specifically: 1 and 2) that the king had oppressively taxed both his lay and clerical subjects; 3 and 4) that the king had replaced experienced government officials with new men who had lined their pockets and that the king had subverted the appointment to the office of sheriff; finally 5 and 6) that he subverted the selection process for knights of the shire and subverted their rights to ‘act freely’ in parliament. The article demonstrates that the archbishop's charges were not ‘naïve nonsense’ but reflected political reality and resonated with those who read them.     

Houellebecq antilibéral,du sexe à l’islam

RÉSUMÉ

Michel Houellebecq n’est pas seulement un romancier; c’est aussi un personnage. Ce redoublement accompagne un double jeu qui définit sa posture: il suggère le second degré, mais il rappelle qu’il faut l’entendre au premier. En même temps qu’il ambitionne de rendre compte du monde, il revendique son refus de lui rendre des comptes politiquement et devant la justice. On partira de ce double jeu pour penser ensemble l’?uvre et le personnage, la littérature et l’idéologie. On s’attachera donc aux deux enjeux qui ont constitué les deux « scandales » principaux de cette carrière littéraire: le sexe et l’islam. On montrera d’abord comment le large succès de cette ?uvre, en France et dans le monde, tient à sa capacité à résonner avec l’actualité, jusqu’à donner le sentiment de la préfigurer. On s’interrogera ensuite sur les tensions qui travaillent cette évolution. En effet, comment concilier la critique initiale du libéralisme sexuel hérité de mai 68 avec la charge contre l’islam qui est prise depuis le 11 septembre 2001 dans la rhétorique mondialisée du « conflit (sexuel) des civilisations » ? C’est dans l’affirmation de la masculinité blanche, dont Michel Houellebecq est le héros paradoxal, que se résout cette contradiction.     

Youthful geographies: from Cool Places to hyper-dynamic Asia

ABSTRACT

Cool Places: Geographies of Youth Cultures published in 1998 effectively launched young people's geographies and provided interesting examples of the ‘cultural’ and ‘feminist turns’ through its engagement with cultural studies. It placed young people as central and showcased young arts students through their printmaking self-portraits. This article looks back to 1998 and forward beyond 2018 to explore the concept of ‘youthful geographies’. It reflects on the starting points for this edited collection and explores the ways in which scholarship focusing on young people worked to establish the space to pursue a challenge to the youthful ‘present absence’ in Geography. It poses the question: ‘Where are young people in the sub-disciplines of Geography’? and acknowledges the value and innovation that youthful scholars bring to geographies of young people. In the final section I reflect on a decade of the nascent growth of scholarship located in, and focused on, Asian youthful geographies.     

The motives behind the foreign political decisions of Frederick VI during the Napoleonic Wars

At the conclusion of peace at Kiel in 1814, the Danish state had to cede Norway to Sweden. Thus, Denmark was one of the greatest losers of the Napoleonic Wars. Denmark allied with France in 1807 after the British bombardment of Copenhagen and seizure of the Danish navy; Denmark stuck by Napoleon until the bitter end. After the crushing French defeat in Russia in 1812, King Frederick VI more than once received an offer from the Allies to change sides and break with Napoleon; however, he dismissed them. In Danish historiography, the king has therefore been seen as stubborn, incompetent, and motivated by a misconceived loyalty towards Napoleon. A more recent Danish historiographical trend stresses the fact that the Danish state was multi-territorial, and among other areas it contained the kingdom of Norway; consequently, this multi-territorial state formation was, in the mind of the Danish political decision makers, especially the exposed situation of Norway, dependent on grain imports and the subject of Swedish territorial ambition. But how did Frederick VI see things himself? What were his motivations for his foreign political decisions? Based on letters written by the king and instructions to Danish diplomats abroad it is argued that the grain provision and ongoing possession of Norway by the Danish state were crucial factors in the king’s decision to stick with Napoleon. This can be further nuanced: the king was expecting the wars to end with an international peace conference with Napoleonic representation, and so the king’s strategy was to stay loyal to Napoleon, in order to get his support for keeping Norway.     

The Bab al Mandab vs the Nile-Levant: An Appraisal of the Two Dispersal Routes for Early Modern Humans Out of Africa

There is a growing convergence of paleontological, archaeological and genetic evidence for the African origin of modern humans and their successive dispersals. However, there is disagreement about the route or routes taken by early humans during their migration out of Africa. This article examines the Middle Paleolithic/Middle Stone Age archaeological evidence from the Horn of Africa, the Nile Valley/eastern Sahara, the Arabian Peninsula and the Levant, and assesses their relevance to this question. Specific reduction techniques and typological variables are used to compare industries across these regions. This study shows that there are more evident technological and typological similarities among assemblages from the Horn, the Nile Valley and Arabia than between any of these regions and the Levant. Il y a plusieurs preuves paléontologiques, archéologiques et génétiques qui supportes une origine Africaine pour l’Homme moderne, et qui indiques les migrations de l’Homme hors de ce continent. Cependant, les parcours précis suivis par ces anciennes populations en route pour l’Europe et l’Asie ne sont pas évidents. Cette étude a comme but d’examiner les preuves archéologiques du Paléolithique moyen et de l’Âge de la Pierre moyen (MSA) de la corne de l’Afrique, la vallée du Nile, le desert Sahara de l’est, la péninsule Arabe, et du Moyen Orient pour déterminer les contributions de ces régions à la migration de l’Homme modern hors de l’Afrique. Les techniques de réduction de pierre et quelques données typologiques sont utilisées pour comparer les ensembles lithiques des régions traversés par la Route du Nord et la Route du Sud. Si les résultats de ces comparaisons démontrent que les données typologiques et les techniques de réduction sont semblables entre les régions d’un des parcours, nous pourrons inférer qu’il existait dans le passé soit un lien culturel entre ces régions, ou des parallèles dans le comportement de ces peuples anciens. Les résultats de cette étude démontrent qu’il y a plus de resemblances avec les techniques de réduction et les données typologiques dans les ensembles lithiques de la corne de l’Afrique, la vallée du Nile, et la pénisule Arabe comparés aux ensembles du Moyen Orient, ce qui soutien l’hypothèse d’une migration par la Route du Sud.     

Écrire la (non-)violence : le cas de Laëtitia ou la fin des hommes d’Ivan Jablonka

This article analyses Ivan Jablonka’s Laëtitia ou la fin des hommes, which garnered three major prizes in the fall of 2016 (Le Prix Littéraire du Monde, Le Médicis et Le Prix des Prix) while also receiving quasi-unanimous acclaim from French press and media. My purpose is to explain how Jablonka’s writing contributes to exposing, denouncing and even, as far as possible ex post facto and by means of a text, undertaking a kind of reparation of the masculine violence inflicted on the 18-year-old young woman not only at the end, but throughout her entire life. To this end, the paradigm of violence laid out by Lévinas and Derrida will allow us to explore the ethics and poetics of non-violence. If on the one hand Jablonka’s text reveals the subjective involvement of the researcher and writer, we will see on the other hand that his project carries social, political and human stakes: his writing of a ‘crime story’ constitutes a manner of understanding the tragedy in the context of French society, with its social, judiciary and political institutions.     

Pathways to Social Complexity and State Formation in the Southern Zambezian Region

Theorists have put forth various anthropological perspectives on the variables leading to social complexity and the emergence of state-level polities. This paper incorporates data from the Zambezian region of Southern Africa in order to contribute to the literature on social evolutionary theory. It traces the cultural trajectories of communities that flourished during the region’s Iron Age within the Shashi-Limpopo Basin, leading to the emergence of the Great Zimbabwe polity. In examining the archaeological record, the authors discuss the emergence of state-like societies, offering a review of current interpretations and explanations for the emergent complexity. Les théoriciens ont émis plusieurs points de vue anthropologiques sur les variables qui conduisent à la complexité sociale et à l’émergence des états. Cet article est une contribution à la littérature sur la théorie de l’évolution des sociétés réalisée à partir des données de la région du Zambèze au sud de l’Afrique. Il retrace les trajectoires culturelles de communautés qui sont apparues au cours de l’age du fer dans le Bassin du Shashi-Limpopo et qui ont conduit à l’émergence de l’état du Grand Zimbabwe. En s’appuyant sur les données archéologiques, les auteurs discutent l’émergence de sociétés-états, offrant une revue des dernières interprétations et explications au sujet des complexités émergentes.     

St Anselm and the English investiture controversy reconsidered

The Investiture Controversy in England has generally been viewed as a two-sided contest between king and pope. But in reality the struggle was between three parties — king, pope, and primate. St Anselm, devoted to his duties as God's steward of his office and its privileges, worked against both King Henry I and Pope Paschal II to bring into reality his idea of the proper status of the primate of all Britain. Anselm had a vision of a political model which he conceived as God's ‘right order’ in England, and all his efforts were directed toward fulfilling this vision.The Investiture Contest may be divided into two parts. The first phase began when Anselm was thwarted by Henry I's duplicity in the archbishop's attempt to force the king to accept the decrees of Rome at the height of a political crisis. Anselm may have seen these decrees as beneficial to the Canterbury primacy. From 1101 to 1103, Anselm wavered between supporting either party completely, meanwhile securing from Paschal all the most important privileges for the primacy of Canterbury. Each time Paschal refused to grant a dispensation for Henry, as Anselm requested, he granted Anselm a privilege for the primacy. Thus Anselm's vision of the primate as almost a patriarch of another world, nearly independent of the pope, was fulfilled by 1103.At this point, Anselm abandoned his vacillation between king and pope, and worked seemingly on behalf of Paschal, but in reality on behalf of the Canterbury primacy. During this second phase, Anselm's political adroitness becomes clear by a correlation, never before made, between the church-state controversy and Henry's campaign to conquer Normandy. By careful maneuvering and skilful propaganda, Anselm forced Henry to choose between submitting to the investiture decree or failing in his attempt to conquer Normandy. At the settlement, a compromise was worked out, Henry conceding on investitures, and Paschal conceding on homage. But investiture was only secondary to Anselm. He ended the dispute not when Henry submitted on investitures, but only when he had gained from Henry concessions which made the primate almost a co-ruler with the king, as his political vision demanded. Only after a public reconcilliation with his archbishop did Henry feel free to complete the Norman campaign.Thus the Investiture Controversy was a three-way struggle. Both king and pope compromised, each giving up some of their goals. But Anselm emerged from the contest having won nearly all his political objectives.     

St Anselm and the English investiture controversy reconsidered

The Investiture Controversy in England has generally been viewed as a two-sided contest between king and pope. But in reality the struggle was between three parties — king, pope, and primate. St Anselm, devoted to his duties as God's steward of his office and its privileges, worked against both King Henry I and Pope Paschal II to bring into reality his idea of the proper status of the primate of all Britain. Anselm had a vision of a political model which he conceived as God's ‘right order’ in England, and all his efforts were directed toward fulfilling this vision.The Investiture Contest may be divided into two parts. The first phase began when Anselm was thwarted by Henry I's duplicity in the archbishop's attempt to force the king to accept the decrees of Rome at the height of a political crisis. Anselm may have seen these decrees as beneficial to the Canterbury primacy. From 1101 to 1103, Anselm wavered between supporting either party completely, meanwhile securing from Paschal all the most important privileges for the primacy of Canterbury. Each time Paschal refused to grant a dispensation for Henry, as Anselm requested, he granted Anselm a privilege for the primacy. Thus Anselm's vision of the primate as almost a patriarch of another world, nearly independent of the pope, was fulfilled by 1103.At this point, Anselm abandoned his vacillation between king and pope, and worked seemingly on behalf of Paschal, but in reality on behalf of the Canterbury primacy. During this second phase, Anselm's political adroitness becomes clear by a correlation, never before made, between the church-state controversy and Henry's campaign to conquer Normandy. By careful maneuvering and skilful propaganda, Anselm forced Henry to choose between submitting to the investiture decree or failing in his attempt to conquer Normandy. At the settlement, a compromise was worked out, Henry conceding on investitures, and Paschal conceding on homage. But investiture was only secondary to Anselm. He ended the dispute not when Henry submitted on investitures, but only when he had gained from Henry concessions which made the primate almost a co-ruler with the king, as his political vision demanded. Only after a public reconcilliation with his archbishop did Henry feel free to complete the Norman campaign.Thus the Investiture Controversy was a three-way struggle. Both king and pope compromised, each giving up some of their goals. But Anselm emerged from the contest having won nearly all his political objectives.     

Philipp Frank Und Die Verbindung Wien-Paris

Zusammenfassung Der Logische Empirismus hat in der intellektuellen Welt Frankreichs fast keine Spuren hinterlassen, obwohl die Gruppe sich bei zwei Kongressen 1935 und 1937 der intellektuellen ?ffentlichkeit in Paris pr?sentierte. Otto Neurath, prominentes Mitglied des ? Wiener Kreises ?, bereitete die Auftritte der Logischen Empiristen in Paris vor. In seiner umfangreichen Korrespondenz manifestieren sich zahlreiche Spannungen sowohl innerhalb der Gruppe als auch mit ihren Kooperationspartnern in Paris. Der Physiker Philipp Frank war mit der wissenschaftlichen Landschaft in Frankreich viel besser vertraut als Neurath. Er hat Neurath schon damals darauf aufmerksam gemacht, dass die Rolle Louis Rougiers als ? Botschafter ? des Empirismus für die Rezeption in Frankreich problematisch sein k?nnte. Er dr?ngte Neurath, die Verbindung mit anderen Wissenschaftlern und Philosophen, vor allem mit Henri Berr und dem Centre de synthèse zu verst?rken.

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Philipp Frank et la liaison Vienne-Paris Quelques notes sur la correspondance Otto Neurath-Philipp Frank entre 1934 et 1938

Résumé L’empirisme logique n’a guère laissé de trace dans le monde intellectuel fran?ais bien que par deux fois à Paris, lors des congrès de 1935 et de 1937, ce groupe se soit fait conna?tre du public intellectuel. Membre éminent du ? Cercle de Vienne ?, Otto Neurath a préparé ces interventions sur la scène parisienne. De nombreuses tensions sont lisibles dans sa vaste correspondance aussi bien à l’intérieur du groupe viennois qu’avec ses interlocuteurs parisiens. Quant au physicien Philipp Frank, il connaissait le paysage scientifique fran?ais beaucoup mieux que Neurath lui-même. Il a attiré son attention sur les ambigu?tés de Louis Rougier dans son r?le d’ ? ambassadeur ? de l’empirisme logique chargé de sa réception en France. Il a pressé Neurath de renforcer une coordination avec d’autres savants et d’autres philosophes et, en tout premier lieu, avec Henri Berr et le Centre de synthèse.

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Schwerpunkt ihrer Forschungen sind: Philosophie und Geschichte des Wiener Kreises (Otto Neurath, Philipp Frank, Edgar Zilsel), erkenntnistheoretische Aspekte der Sozialwissenschaften (Ernst Cassirer, Pierre Bourdieu) und die Beziehung zwischen Sozialwissenschaft und Ethik. Sie hat mehrere Werke zu Otto Neurath publiziert, vor kurzem gemeinsam mit Nicolas Roudet, Paris-Wien. Enzyklop?dien im Vergleich, Wien/New York, Springer, 2005.     

Gods from north‐eastern and north‐western Arabia in cuneiform texts from the First Sealand Dynasty,and a cuneiform inscription from Tell en‐Naṣbeh,c.1500 BC

A cuneiform archive in the Schøyen collection dated around 1500 BC, mainly in the reign of Ayadaragalama, a king of the First Sealand Dynasty in Babylonia, was published in 2009. The claim of that king to be ‘king of the world’ is assessed, with implications of finding an abbreviated version of his name inscribed on a broken bronze circlet from Tell en‐Na?beh in Palestine. Use of two divine names Anzak and Yau in personal names in the archive may be related to contacts between the Sealand king and Dilmun/Bahrain on the one hand, and ancient Midian on the other.     

Henry II,liturgical patronage and the birth of the ‘Romano‐German Pontifical’

Variously acclaimed as coepiscopus, saint and Mönchskönig, Henry II of Germany has always had a reputation as a quasi‐religious figure. This article goes a step further, appending to his résumé the creation of the wildly successful liturgical tradition known as the ‘Romano‐German Pontifical’. Formerly dated to the tenth century, its major ordines are here argued to have been cultivated in royal circles in the years 1002–9, before being compiled for the first time as a gift for the new Bamberg Cathedral. The tradition is shown to reflect the king’s concerns, scholarly, political and confessional, as well as projecting an idealistic, Bamberg‐esque notion of Romano‐German unity.     

Ata's Speech at the Royal Kava Ceremony Installation of Tu‘i Kanokupolu Tupou V on 30 July 2008: A Response to the Tongan Democracy Movement

His Majesty King George Tupou V, who reigned as the king of Tonga from 2008 to 2012, inherited near-absolute political power from his predecessors, yet two days before his coronation he announced that he would relinquish that power and granted amendments to the Tongan constitution, thereby making Tonga democratic. Innovative additions to the conventional speech made by the chief Ata at his taumafa kava installation ceremony as the 23rd Tu‘i Kanokupolu, on 30 July 2008 in Nuku‘alofa, suggest that the speech was composed by, or at the behest of, Tupou V himself to express his view of the contemporary ideology of his dynasty. The speech consists of 92 lines of traditionally styled Tongan poetry that rehearse the origins, history and achievements of the Tu‘i Kanokupolu dynasty, frequently employing pre-existing phraseology. Twenty-five anomalies of rhyme indicate that the speech was composed on the basis of a pre-existing composition and redacted to remind Tongans of particular aspects of the past and present character of the Tu‘i Kanokupolu dynasty.     

The state of climate change adaptation in Canada's protected areas sector

L’adaptation aux changements climatiques dans les réseaux d’aires protégées du Canada : état des lieux La Commission mondiale des aires protégées a récemment laissé entendre que les actions en faveur de la conservation sont vouées à l’échec, à moins que ces dernières tiennent compte des changements climatiques. Pour ce faire, les organismes chargés des aires protégées doivent dès maintenant s’assurer de l’intégration des changements climatiques dans les politiques, les cadres de planification et les modes de gestion. Le présent article rend compte des résultats d’une enquête réalisée conjointement par l’Université de Waterloo et le Conseil canadien des aires écologiques. Celle‐ci vise à dresser un état des lieux sur l’adaptation aux changements climatiques dans tout le réseau d’aires protégées du Canada qui relève du palier fédéral, provincial ou territorial. Il se dégage de l’analyse plusieurs constats importants. Tout d’abord, sur l’ensemble des organismes chargés des aires protégées que nous avons interrogés, les trois quarts ont déclaré que les changements climatiques ont déjà des effets visibles sur leur réseau d’aires protégées. Ensuite, 94 pour cent des participants à l’enquête estiment qu’au cours des vingt‐cinq prochaines années, l’enjeu des changements climatiques sera au c?ur de la politique et de la planification des aires protégées. Finalement, malgré la perception voulant que les changements climatiques exercent une pression croissante, la portée des mesures politiques, de planification, de gestion ou de recherche mises de l’avant par la plupart des organismes jusqu’à maintenant demeure limitée. Si 91 pour cent des organismes indiquent ne pas disposer des capacités nécessaires en ce moment pour réagir de façon optimale aux changements climatiques, l’enquête a permis de mettre en évidence un écart significatif entre la perception de la gravité des changements climatiques et la capacité des organismes chargés des aires protégées de s’adapter. La faiblesse du financement, une capacité d’action limitée, et un manque de compréhension des changements climatiques et de leurs répercussions réelles ou potentielles comptent parmi les difficultés auxquelles sont confrontés les organismes canadiens chargés des aires protégées. Il est impératif de les surmonter afin que ces organismes puissent exercer leurs mandats et être en mesure d’assumer leurs responsabilités concernant la protection et la biodiversité des aires, par exemple, la protection de l’intégrité du patrimoine naturel au Canada dans un contexte de changements climatiques accélérés.     

Bernard Faÿ, Antoine Compagnon: the modern/anti-modern,or the delicate balance of the ‘Entre-Deux’

This article examines Antoine Compagnon’s Le cas Bernard Faÿ: du Collège de France à l’indignité nationale in the light of Compagnon’s intellectual trajectory and in connection with his conception of modernity, in particular French modernity. A sum of contradictions, at once modern and anti-modern, modernity is for Compagnon essentially ambivalent. Its emblem is Baudelaire, whose aesthetic predilection for the modern beauty of the present was paradoxically entwined with his hatred for modernization. Compagnon sets Baudelaire’s intensely nostalgic and somehow already postmodern modernity against the effusive ideology of ‘modernism,’ identified with the cult of progress, the equation between aesthetics and politics, and the lyric militancy of the avant-garde. Through the Janus-like figure of Bernard Faÿ, a modernist aesthete who was Gertrude Stein’s best friend and who turned into a collaborator and a persecutor of Freemasons during the Second World War, Compagnon excavates, at the crossway between aesthetics and politics, at the intersection of modernism and fascism, the contradictions of modernity and the paradoxes of the history of twentieth-century France. In the meantime, going against the linear grain of the great modernist narrative, Compagnon defines the tasks of the new literary history of modernity.