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17世纪英国社会与文化具有浓厚的古典氛围,基础教育和大学教育的古典特色,上层社会的古典修养,以及近代资源的缺乏,让共和派思想家们大量借用古典民主与共和传统,抨击君主专制,积极阐述共和政治的优点,并以古代雅典、斯巴达和罗马的共和制为基础,构想近代国家的制度与体系。在某些情况下,古典传统可能直接激励了英国人的革命行动。霍布斯对古代自由和永恒战争状态的抨击,从反面体现了古典共和传统的积极作用。但英国革命毕竟是近代的产物,革命进程主要由17世纪英国的社会基础决定,而且共和派只是当时思想潮流的一个分支,其理论基础也主要来自近代的契约理论与天赋人权。古典共和传统主要是给他们已有的信念和行动增加权威的一种手段。 相似文献
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中国第二历史档案馆编辑的《中华民国史档案资料汇编》(1911-1949年),已由江苏古籍出版社全部出齐了。全书分为5辑,共90册,5000余万字,汇集了馆藏民国历史档案之精华,为中国近现代史和民国史研究提供了一套全面系统的第一手资料。这套档案资料汇编,开始编辑于20世纪50年代,完稿于90年代,其间历经了“文革”的10年风雨,改革开放的20年,直到今年春天才出版齐全。其编辑时间断断续续长达半个世纪,参加编辑人员先后近30人,昔日翩翩年少的编者,现在已是白发苍苍的老人了。一 有友问曰:你们为什么要… 相似文献
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Timothy J. Farnham 《政策研究杂志》1995,23(2):253-267
In spite of recent arguments that significant changes are occurring in the United States Department of Agriculture's Forest Service, to date little empirical evidence exists demonstrating that this is indeed the case and whether these presumed changes are impacting upon substantive policy outcomes. Most of the current evidence available is from studies that have inferred change by measuring attitudinal change in Forest Service employees. None to date has examined changes in quantitative indicators of agency policy efforts or outcomes. In this article, we analyze trends in the budget requests of the Forest Service, the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), and the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and appropriations made by Congress, to ascertain whether priorities of these actors concerning the commodity and non-commodity programs of the National Forests have changed since the passage of the National Forest Management Act. The data reveal shifting priorities for the Forest Service, USDA, and OMB. However, although the shifts have been greater for the Forest Service than for the other two agencies, they have been significantly less than the shifts in congressional appropriations. This fact suggests that Congress is changing its view of how the Forest Service should manage its lands more quickly than the Forest Service is changing itself, and that, as some have argued, Congress has been an important external agent of change concerning the agency and its policies. 相似文献
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Allen Sharp 《Journal of Supreme Court History》2003,28(2):116-144
Eight men who took the presidential oath also appeared before the Supreme Court of the United States as advocates. From Senator John Quincy Adams at the outset of the Marshall Court to Richard M. Nixon during the high-water mark of the Warren Court, future and past Presidents have argued before the Supreme Court on such varied and important topics as land scandals in the South, slavery at home and on the high seas, the authority of military commissions over civilians during the Civil War, international disputes as an aftermath of the Alaskan Purchase, and the sensitive intersection between the right to personal privacy and a free press. Here, briefly, are stories of men history knows as Presidents performing as appellate lawyers and oral advocates before the nation's highest court. 相似文献
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辛亥革命以后中国社会长期军阀割据、国家分裂、战争频仍、社会动乱的现实。让人们对革命的成果和意义感到困惑。然而纵观英、法、关、日诸国政治近代化的进程,元一例外都经历过曲折与反复。中国的政治近代化进程亦然。政治近代化是一个不断进步、发展、完善的过程。不可能一蹴而就;它必须有一个起点、开端,然后才有可能继续前进。中国的民主革命,从辛亥算起,到1949年真正意义上的近代民主革命任务的完成,为时近40年,这较之荚、法、美、目政治近代化所经历的反复与曲折、所经历的时间,并不为过。辛亥革命是中国政治近代化过程的起点和开端,没有辛玄革命,就没有中国政治近代化的进程。 相似文献
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《Political Theology》2013,14(5):634-651
AbstractThis essay shows an important shift in the Religious Right from Evangelical participation to Renewalist participation in politics. Renewalists, who are largely Pentecostals, Charismatics and non-denominational Christians, have been lumped into the "Evangelical" category by scholars and the media alike. Yet their theological orientations and concerns drive political questions and actions in different ways. Sarah Palin's placement on the Republican ticket in 2008 as the Vice Presidential candidate represents the first time an explicitly Renewalist Christian has been nominated. Since then, Palin's weaving of her theological orientation has influenced both political activity and Republican candidates in the 2012 election. Butler's essay explores Palin's contribution to this change, and poses questions about how this shift affects the future of the Religious Right. 相似文献
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René Teijgeler 《Archaeologies》2013,9(1):230-251
With the break-in in the Egyptian Museum at the height of the ‘Lotus Revolution’ in January 2011 many heritage experts thought they saw their worst dreams come true: another ‘cradle of civilization’ threatened. One and a half years later the ‘½ Revolution’ did not bring the Egyptians the much desired prosperity. In the contrary, much seems to be worse than before January 2011 and unfortunately the heritage sector is no exception. Massive looting arose after the revolution and continues till today. This article tries to answer who these looters are and why the plunder of archaeological sites continues. Yet, many locals defended the sites in their vicinity. How come the local population felt connected to this heritage. For over 10 years they have been forbidden to enter the sites and the authorities even consider them a nuisance who need to be hidden for the massive tourist industry. The post-colonial narrative sheds much light on all these questions. It is noted that there is a huge lack of local involvement in Egyptian heritage as well as an almost absent scientific involvement of local scholars in Egyptology. There are signs that with the new government this will change. Firstly, western Egyptologists seem to realize they need to pay more attention to public/community archaeology and secondly, it is expected that Islamic heritage will be stressed in the coming years perhaps at the cost of Egyptology. 相似文献
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在美国革命时期,"共和"这一古老政治词汇的含义发生了重大变化。美国建国者参照各种政治理论和历史经验,结合他们所处社会的特点,不仅成功建立了一种新型政体,而且为它做了全面的辩护和诠释,从而完成了对"共和政体"的重新界定。这种新型的共和政体,不再是"人民"与贵族分享权力的混合政体,而是完全建立在"人民主权"基础上的代表制政体,它的社会基础、价值取向和适应范围都发生了深刻变化,与古典共和理念之间形成了明显的差异。与此同时,"民主"的概念也得以扩充,"人民"通过代表制行使政治权力的政府,与"人民"亲自掌握权力的政府一样,都可以叫做"民主"。这两个交错并行的观念转化过程,不仅塑造了现代意义上的"共和"与"民主"的概念,而且使得两个原本含义不同的政体名称,最终变成了同义词。 相似文献
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民国时期的乡村建设运动 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
民国时期领域广阔、面貌多样、时间持久、影响深远的乡村建设运动,不仅是农村落后破败的现实促成的,也是知识界对农村重要性自觉体认的产物.乡村建设的主要内容,包括扫盲和文化教育、引进和推广动植物良种、尝试建立农村医疗保健体系、移风易俗、倡导合作组织、加强农村自卫等方面.乡村建设运动的历史意义,不仅在于可为现实问题的解决提供某些参考,更在于其所遗留的丰富精神遗产. 相似文献
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评民初历法上的“二元社会” 总被引:10,自引:2,他引:10
在民国初期推行阳历而出现的“二元社会”格局中,遵循阴历的社会下层是一股潜在而持久的势力,它来自几千年形成的与其息息相关的日常生活习惯,来自下层民众的深厚的日常民俗化。尽管民国初期阴阳历并行,实际上阳历始终未被广大下层民众接受,阴历仍然在民初社会占据着主流。政府推行的像移风易俗这类触及民众日常生活习惯的举措,如果不能妥善处理社会上层与社会下层民众习惯势力既对峙、冲突,又妥协、调适的互动关系,是很难取得实质性成效的。 相似文献
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本文主要考察了民国时期广州消防机构的构成、内部关系、运作规范、功能表现等方面,认为民国时期广州的消防体制是一种混合型体制,在民国时期,广州的消防事业虽然有一定的发展,但远远不能适应广州城市近代化的需要。 相似文献
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简析民国时期的国语运动 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:2
语言、文字的统一从来都是民族统一的重要象征。中国文字虽然早在秦汉时期即实现了形义上的一致,但谋求读音的统一,推广一种全国通用的“国语”,却直至民国时期才提上议事日程。国语,指由历史形成或政府规定的一种标准语,也就是全国通用的共同交际语。在我国,国语即普通话。民国初期,随着各项初创工作的全面展开,政府也把统一国语作为开国的重要举措,并由南京临时政府、北洋政府、南京国民政府前承后继地进行了若干年。本文试图对这一运动产生的背景、经过及其作用作一简浅分析,以求教于学界同仁。 相似文献
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“共和”在欧洲政治思想史上具有深厚的历史根源。在千百年分散聚合的历史进程中,共和思想对于欧洲诸多民族始终具有强大的凝聚力。文章以希腊罗马、意大利城邦和近代英法为例,厘清欧洲共和思想的历史脉络。文章认为,在历史沉浮与现实需求的背景下,“共和”是欧洲民族从共同利益走向共同体的历史根源和必然趋势,同时也是世界历史向着多元均衡方向和谐发展的重要依据。 相似文献