Reagan's Foreign Policy: An Assessment (I) Introduction

The Western drama High Noon introduces political considerations deeper than the maelstrom of American anticommunism of the 1950s against which it is most often viewed. It presents the central problems of modern political obligation as arising out of an encounter between Aristotelian and Lockean ideas about marriage, friendship, consent and coercion, and religious obligation. The marshal Kane, representing the altered vestige of Aristotelian ideals, desperately seeks help from the Lockean-like community of Hadleyville. The resulting tension lays bare the political ambiguity many find inherent in American political life.     

Congress,the Presidency,and U.S. Foreign Policy

Gibson, Martha L. Conflict Amid Consensus in American Trade Policy. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2000. Pp. 213. $55.00 hardbound; $17.95 softbound.

Henehan, Marie T. Foreign Policy and Congress: An International Relations Perspective. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2000. Pp. 248. $49.50 hardbound.

Brands, H.W. The Foreign Policies of Lyndon Johnson: Beyond Vietnam. College Station, TX: Texas A&M Press, 1999. Pp. 194. $29 95 hardbound.

McNamara, Robert S., James G. Blight, and Robert K. Brigham, with Thomas J. Biersteker and Herbert Y. Schandler. Argument Without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy. New York, NY: Public Affairs, 1999. Pp. 512. $27.50 hardbound; $17.00 softbound.     

Cold War,Public Opinion,and Foreign Policy Spending Decisions: Dynamic Representation by Congress and the President

Conventional wisdom before the Vietnam War held that public opinion exerted no influence on U.S. foreign policy decisions. Scholars working in Vietnam's aftermath found episodic influence of public opinion on foreign policy, but missing in our understanding were longitudinal examinations of public opinion's influence on foreign policy. A number of post-Vietnam scholars subsequently revealed a long-term relationship between public opinion and defense spending. This study extends that work by analyzing responsiveness to public opinion in different foreign policy arenas by different government institutions, and by accounting for a critical variable not relevant in most previous studies: the end of the cold war. We construct a model explaining the influences of public opinion and the cold war on spending proposals for defense and foreign economic aid by the presidency, the House of Representatives and the Senate. Both public opinion and the end of the cold war exert direct influence on defense spending proposals by the presidency, while the Senate and the House respond primarily to public opinion inputs and the partisan composition of the Senate. In the case of foreign economic aid, the cold war's end gives occasion for increasing spending proposals, contrary to the public's expectation that the end of the cold war minimized the need for the U.S. to provide foreign economic assistance.     

Melvyn P. Leffler, Ideology, and American Foreign Policy

Melvyn P. Leffler. The Specter of Communism: The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1917–1953 . New York: Hill and Wang, 1994.     

From Private Consultation to Public Crusade: Assessing Eisenhower's Legislative Strategies on Foreign Policy

Even though nationally televised addresses provide the president the opportunity to speak directly to the American people and are a potentially powerful tool for influencing public opinion, scholars have little understanding of the people the president speaks to when he delivers televised addresses. This study examines the audience for televised presidential addresses. Specifically, it looks at the size of the audience for televised addresses, the differences between people who watch televised addresses and those who do not watch, and explains why some people watch the addresses while others do not. To answer these questions I use a unique set of national opinion surveys conducted by Richard Wirthlin, who served as Ronald Reagan's pollster throughout Reagan's years as president. I find that even though televised addresses are given on network television, the president is not assured a large television audience. Moreover, I find that there is a difference between people who watch televised addresses and those who do not, and that the demographic characteristics, personal concerns, and especially the political participation of a person explain why people watch or do not watch televised addresses.     

美国对韩国的援助政策：缘起、演进与结果

在冷战背景下 ,对外援助是美国巩固与盟国关系、与苏联争夺新独立的第三世界的重要手段。美国对韩国的援助亦然。从最初的占领区救济性援助开始 ,美国对韩援助的内容伴随援助政策的调整不断发生变化。从结果来看 ,援助帮助韩国建立并维护了资本主义的发展模式 ,军事援助孕育了美国化的军队 ,为军事政变和韩国政治发展模式埋下了伏笔。