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清代驿传体系曾以快捷、高效为特征为整个帝国的运转提供了强有力的支持 ,但到清代后期 ,在骚扰、侵贪等因素的影响下 ,驿传体系表现为迟滞、效率低下。在西方近代化的通讯、通信方式传入中国后 ,传统驿传体系固有的发展模式被打破 ,驿传体系的功能最终被近代化的交通、电报、邮政所取代  相似文献   

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During the 7970s the structure of local government in Scotland was transformed from a traditional system based on counties and burghs to a nested spatial hierarchy of regions and districts. This reform represents the last stage of an evolutionary process, uniting the formerly separate rural and urban hierarchies of local government and administration. The city region was taken to be the guiding principle for reform, and the new regions were identified mainly on the basis of town hinterlands. Throughout all reforms there has been a tendency to concentrate local government functions at higher levels of authority.
Pendant les années 1970 la structure du gouvernement urbain et rural en Ecosse fut transformeé d'un système traditionnel de comptés et bourgs en une hiérarchie spatiale de régions et de districts. Une réforme récente qui unifie pour la première fois les échelons ruraux et urbains des administrations et des gouvernements locaux, représente la phase ultime d'une évolution vers cette hiérarchie. Cette réforme a été guidée par l'utilisation de la zone d'influence urbaine comme unité de base, et les nouvelles régions ont été identifiées surtout sur la base des aires tributaires des villes. Au cours des réformes il y avait une tendance è concentrer les fonctions du gouvernement local è des niveaux supérieurs d'autorité.  相似文献   

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Data from a study of top staffers on congressional committees indicate that Congress is rich in sources of information about the executive branch, and that it exploits these sources surprisingly well. An observer of the contemporary Congress can read Max Weber's classic essay on "bureaucracy" with minimum alarm. Weber's bureaucracy had an "overtowering" position relative to its nominal political masters because of its continuity, expertise, and ability to guard information (secrecy). U.S. congressional committees have built a formidable counter organization. Committee staffers are not mere "dilettantes" who stand opposite administrative "experts." They have a significant level of experience in the areas covered by the agencies they oversee, and well developed communication networks which give them significant opportunities to push aside any veil covering bureaucratic decisions and activities. Moreover, they indicate a surprisingly active approach to keeping track of agency activities, leading one to question the predominance in the contemporary period of the "fire alarm" approach described in the literature. The article develops reasons why an active information seeking style may be more attractive now than in the past and suggests a connection between environmental changes, changes in information seeking behavior, and changes in other aspects of oversight behavior.  相似文献   

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On October 2, 1919, President Woodrow Wilson suffered a stroke that paralyzed the left half of his body. Wilson's stroke forced the American public to confront stroke, and laypeople came to identify stroke as a nervous disorder, rather than a condition rooted solely in psychological phenomena. His medical care was overseen by Cary Grayson, his personal internist, and Francis X. Dercum, a remarkably accomplished neurologist from Philadelphia. Dercum was very involved in the treatment of the President, from the day of the stroke until years later. While the medical records have been destroyed, some basic facts of Wilson's treatment and rehabilitation can be inferred from the literature. Although Woodrow Wilson was an exceptional patient, his care, albeit administered by some of the most famous physicians of the era, was typical of the time. Therefore, this paper's approach to Wilson's 1919 stroke contextualizes the President's case into the larger scheme of early twentieth-century neurology.  相似文献   

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In the midst of a period of Congressional assertiveness on foreign policy, a new technology has emerged for commercial use with the potential for enhancing Congress' information-gathering processes and agenda-setting role. The effect may alter the balance of power in the relationship between Congress and the President. Congress' access to news media stories of imagery may provide an independent information source on U.S. or foreign military installations and activities. Such a source could be utilized to assess issues such as Pentagon appropriations, treaty compliance, and foreign aid funding. The thesis of this article is that when interest groups and the news media use remote sensing imagery on foreign policy issues, the foreign and national security policymaking process will be transformed by enhancing the information status and the public agendasetting role of previously excluded segments such as interest groups, the news media, and the general public. The expanded role of these groups will decentralize decisionmaking by fragmenting power and likely restructure the relationship between the Congress and the executive over these policy areas during the 1990s.  相似文献   

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Theodore Roosevelt circumvented Congress and expanded presidential power at the beginning of the 20th century, in part, by using the press to establish executive leadership of public opinion. This article describes how Roosevelt and his chief forester, Gifford Pinchot, launched a crusade in the press for Progressive conservation despite the opposition of congressmen who tried to block the use of publicists by executive agencies. Although Congress forbade the hiring of "publicity experts" in 1913, they were already common in executive agencies.  相似文献   

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引进与变革:近代中国企业官利制度分析   总被引:20,自引:1,他引:19  
朱荫贵 《近代史研究》2001,3(4):145-167
官利制度是近代中国股份制企业中独具特色的分配方式。它与西方股份制企业制度引进中国相伴而生,是经过变革而又适应中国社会经济结构的一种经济制度。近代中国社会经济结构的环境条件、中国近代资本市场的高利贷性质和中国悠久的商事习惯,是导致其产生和长期存在的根本原因。其本身利弊共生,但却适应当时的社会。正是这些独具特色的事物,给后人认识近代中国国情提供了极好的途径。  相似文献   

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This study tests whether major policy shifts require several years of congressional deliberation before passage even during periods of crisis and disorganization in the minority political party. By examining the passage of major legislation during the Civil War, this study found that legislative history is a relevant and limiting factor in the passage of presidential and congressional agendas even during periods of crisis and disorganization in the minority party.  相似文献   

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Many scholars contend that Congress rarely matters in the realm of foreign policy. The source of this collective impotence is often explained by the weaknesses in congressional institutions vis-a-vis the president, as well as a general inability to respond effectively to a dynamic international political environment. We contend that the debate over congressional activism has not adequately addressed the role of agenda change. We analyze all roll call votes in the House of Representatives relating to the international affairs agenda between 1953 and 1998. We find that presidents have become significantly more likely to stake out positions on economic and trade issues as compared to other international issues. We also observe that presidential positions in the realm of foreign policy are increasingly characterized by interparty and interinstitutional conflict. While this increased conflict has dramatically decreased the president's ability to successfully pass executive priorities in foreign affairs more generally, presidential success on economic and trade issues has witnessed a significantly greater decline. We infer from these results that changes to the foreign policy issue agenda represent one important factor that has affected not only the incentives for political parties to participate actively, but also the willingness of Congress to challenge the president in the foreign policy debate.Asked one day whether it was true that the navy yard in his district was too small to accommodate the latest battleships. Henry Stimson (chair of the House Naval Affairs Committee early in the century) replied, 'That is true, and that is the reason I have always been in favor of small ships.'1Carriers have been, are and will be for the foreseeable future an absolutely essential part of our deterrence force…2John Warner, senator from Virginia, home state of Newport News Shipbuilding  相似文献   

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许永峰  张玮 《安徽史学》2017,(6):126-136
国民政府初期,中国现代农业金融支持体系包括商业性金融、合作金融、政策性金融三种要素。在之后20年左右的嬗变中,要素种类、各要素的地位或性质不同程度地发生了变化,总体经历了社会主导的合动、国家主导的合动和国家统制三个阶段,体现了"社会化"到"国家化"的趋势。其具体演化与不同阶段各主体的发展困境及认知选择,尤其是与国民政府经济统制的治国思想密切相关。  相似文献   

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This paper examines five periods of congressional budget reform, from 1865 to 1974, and asks two sets of related questions: (1) What are the external and internal factors that seem to precipitate reform? and (2) Are there systematic differences in the ways Congress responds to internal and external pressures for change? If so, in the process of formulating successful (i.e. adopted) reforms, how are the responses to external stresses balanced against those designed to deal with internal questions? The research indicates that economic difficulties engendered by war and major changes in presidential-congressional relations with respect to fiscal policymaking are the crucial external variables. Internally, major shifts in the power relations of those involved in congressional spending decisions appear to facilitate budget reform. In responding to external pressures on its budget process, Congress tends to centralize its budget procedures. In response to internal pressures, Congress tends to decentralize those procedures.  相似文献   

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在美国革命时期,"共和"这一古老政治词汇的含义发生了重大变化。美国建国者参照各种政治理论和历史经验,结合他们所处社会的特点,不仅成功建立了一种新型政体,而且为它做了全面的辩护和诠释,从而完成了对"共和政体"的重新界定。这种新型的共和政体,不再是"人民"与贵族分享权力的混合政体,而是完全建立在"人民主权"基础上的代表制政体,它的社会基础、价值取向和适应范围都发生了深刻变化,与古典共和理念之间形成了明显的差异。与此同时,"民主"的概念也得以扩充,"人民"通过代表制行使政治权力的政府,与"人民"亲自掌握权力的政府一样,都可以叫做"民主"。这两个交错并行的观念转化过程,不仅塑造了现代意义上的"共和"与"民主"的概念,而且使得两个原本含义不同的政体名称,最终变成了同义词。  相似文献   

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史晓红 《史学月刊》2005,2(5):74-77,116
美国统治菲律宾初期,共和党采取双重的殖民政策,拒绝对其独立做出明确的承诺。威尔逊执政以后,不仅委派弗朗西斯·哈里森在菲律宾推行一系列“菲化”政策,而且还力促议会讨论通过并亲自签署《琼斯法案》,答应在菲律宾人建立稳定政府后就给予他们最终的独立。但他又认为,自治是一种性格,菲律宾的独立,要等到美国所强加的命令和他们应该拥有的自治达到最好调节的时候,扩大自治的速度和兑现独立承诺的时间要视菲律宾的安全和美国的长远利益而定。所以,威尔逊对菲政策的实质就是美国殖民统治下的激进改革,目的仍然是为了维护美国的国家利益。  相似文献   

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