把灿烂的笑容献给你

我把春天的温暖献给你， 春天的细雨滋润生机。 我把夏天的火热献给你， 夏天的惠风耕耘翠绿。     

年鉴"边角地"不可弃--《镇江年鉴》"补白"回眸

章介绍了《镇江年鉴》在利用版面空白方面的一些做法。认为“补白”可以使某一类目的资料得以补充和延伸,填补与正内容相关的资料,加大信息量,同时也使年鉴的主题更为突出。同时在实际工作中应该把“补白”纳入编辑工作,合理安排补白字数,并且由专人负责这项工作。     

论《毛传》“独标兴体”的诗学贡献

本文仅以《毛传》解《诗》“独标兴体”为题,从历时角度,阐明其特殊的诗学地位和贡献,认为：《毛传》把《诗三百》原本单纯的引起之“兴”,发展为复杂的隐喻之“兴”,从而构建起自己独特的解诗之道,开创了以讽喻、寄托释“兴”的传统,并通过《郑笺》、《文心雕龙·比兴》篇的阐释得以延续和不断丰富起来,进而对后世中国古代诗学以及古代思想文化传统的建树均居功甚伟,影响深远。     

关于对诚实信用原则适用于税法的质疑

公法与私法在性质上截然有别,所以决定了诚实信用原则适用于公法的极大的局限性。私法上多为任意性规定,公法上多为强行性规定,法律规定的就必须严格遵守,实行严格的法定主义;而诚实信用原则在于补充法律的不足,因此若将诚实信用原则适用于公法,必然会破坏公法的严格性,为公权力的扩张提供途径。     

论法律信用与和谐社会的构建

构建和谐社会必须树立法律信用。法律信用是指法律严格遵守其所明示的、确定的规则和内容。以它对公平和正义的理性追求和坚定实践所赢得的社会主体对它的信任。法律信用是法律作为制度规范整体所具有的信用,法律既有信用又能够被信仰,是法治的美好前景与和谐社会的坚强后盾。     

The causes and consequences of Beslan: A commentary on Gerard Toal's placing blame: Making sense of Beslan

Gerard Toal has written a very important work placing the terrorist attack in Beslan into a geopolitical context. Toal's analysis emphasizes two themes, the need to place Beslan in a political context and the parallels between the Russian government's reaction to the attack and the Bush administration's reaction to the September 11 attacks. In this response, I seek to make these two themes more explicit and also to focus on one area that is somewhat neglected in Toal's analysis: namely, the factors that made the terrorist attack in Beslan possible. In doing so, I turn away from focusing exclusively on geopolitics by bringing in some of the socio-economic and ideological factors that made the North Caucasus ripe for the explosion of terrorist attacks that occurred in the first half of this decade. I also show how changes in government policies eventually brought about the decline of large-scale terrorist attacks in the region. In doing so, I hope to make the point that any analysis of a spectacular terrorist attack such as Beslan has to take into account not just geopolitics, but also the socio-economic conditions that made it possible and the government policies that allowed it to happen.     

A global–historical sociology of power: on Mann's concluding volumes to The sources of social power

Michael Mann's long‐anticipated volumes, The sources of social power, volume 3: global empires and revolution, 1890—1945 and The sources of social power, volume 4: globalizations, 1945—2011 complete Mann's career‐spanning project. Compared to previous volumes in the series, these works are much more global in scope. They address topics such as global wars, empires, social citizenship across the industrialized world, economic recessions and climate change. In this way they rectify omissions in Mann's previous work, even while continuing to deploy Mann's previous IEMP (ideological, economic, social, political) model of power. However, three shortcomings remain: first, the books do not adequately deploy the concept of society as power networks; second, they do not offer a conceptualization of global systems or dynamics beyond the sum total of actions by individual states or actors; and third, they retain the standpoint of power in their analyses. Despite these shortcomings, these volumes offer a masterful global history of power over the past century and a half and make long‐lasting contributions to the historical sociology of power.     

The vertikal: power and authority in Russia

Power and authority in Russia are traditionally seen to reside with the president. Such an understanding was emphasized during the eight years of Vladimir Putin's presidency, from 2000 to 2008, as he sought to centralize power, strengthen the state and establish a strong vertical of power to implement policy. This article examines the nature of this power and authority in the light of the tandem, the ruling arrangement between current President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin. While acknowledging the central importance of Vladimir Putin in Russian political life, the article argues that emphasis on his role draws too much attention away from the leadership team that he has shaped with Medvedev. This team takes shape in formal institutional structures such as the Security Council, which has become an increasingly important group as a reservoir of experience and authority. It also takes shape in an informal network that stretches across state and business boundaries. Although there are some tensions in the network, this team ensures broad policy continuity. Furthermore, the article questions Putin's success in establishing a vertical of power, and the authority of both President Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin. The analysis explores evidence that suggests that, despite the appointment of loyal personnel in this vertical of power, presidential instructions, orders and personnel commands often remain incompletely and tardily carried out or even unfulfilled. In essence, therefore, although many have suggested a split within the leadership, particularly between Medvedev and Putin, the article suggests that the more important splits are horizontal ones between different layers of authority. Thus, a process of direct control is necessary, whereby the most senior officials are obliged personally to oversee the implementation of their instructions. The article concludes by suggesting a reconsideration of our terms of reference for Russian politics, replacing the tandem with the team, and introducing ‘manual control’.     

当前农村信用社改革需要注意的几个问题

我国农村信用社的改革虽然取得了一定成绩,但也存在一些不容忽视的问题。主要是:部分农村信用社采取变通方式强行达标,高指标也带来了高水分;省联社过于“强势”,实际上沿袭了原有县联社对乡镇信用社的控制模式;农村信用社法人治理工作进展迟缓,外部股东参与农村信用社决策、管理的积极性十分有限;农村信用社改革和服务“三农”并不完全一致等等。对这些问题需要警惕,否则将影响“花钱买机制”改革目标的实现。     

Australia and middle power approaches to Asia Pacific regionalism

This article presents a liberal-institutionalist conceptual framework drawn from Middle Power theory to analyse Australian foreign policy approaches towards Asia Pacific regionalism. Building on precedents set by the former Keating administration, the Labor government of Rudd/Gillard (2007–13) undertook high-profile efforts not only to engage, but to champion, the regionalism process in the Asia Pacific. This enterprise became fused with a self-proclaimed identity as a ‘creative middle power’. Through an analysis of regional community building, regional security architecture and regional order, the article identifies the strong linkages between the theory and practice of ‘middle power’ diplomacy, and the concept of ‘regionalism’ itself, in Australian foreign policy. The article thus contributes to the theoretical literature by exposing the important intersections between the two concepts and concludes that despite Rudd’s prolific attempts to harness Australia’s middle power credentials, Canberra was not able to significantly affect the process of Asia Pacific regionalism unilaterally.