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This paper explores the various and sometimes contradictory meanings of the metaphor of A City on a Hill, with an emphasis on how such an investigation can contribute to an understanding of the foreign policy of George W. Bush, especially in terms of the War on Terrorism in general and the war in Iraq in particular. The strands within the metaphor include religious, political, economic, and technological dimensions which too often exacerbate the confusions about national self-image many Americans have about our role in the world and about what has been called the right-wing Wilsonianism of the Bush White House. Greater clarity about the role of this metaphor in our history might help in minimizing what can fittingly be called the law of unintended consequences. 相似文献
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《Political Theology》2013,14(4):411-430
AbstractIn George W. Bush's inaugural address, informed by ‘compassionate conservatism’, there was a tension between two familiar goals in US political discourse: conserving the status quo and changing the world for the better by cleansing it of sin. In Bush's discursive construction of the war on terrorism, ‘compassionate conservatism’ and the construction of sin were folded into a unified discourse, with the emphasis on preventing dangerous change rather than creating positive change. A static state of safety, constantly protected by ‘compassionate conservatism’ and war, is now offered by American conservatives as the most viable and most patriotic way to stave off the forces of sin. 相似文献
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Karen S. Hoffman 《Congress & the Presidency》2013,40(3):322-343
Discussion of George W. Bush's rhetoric typically focuses on his spoken address, yet his use of cowboy visuals also qualifies as public communication. By visually identifying himself as a cowboy Bush associated his presidency with the story of the mythic cowboy, a powerful concept in American culture. While visual images are typically not considered a substantive and rational form of political communication, Bush's cowboy persona, emphasized visually, prompted widespread debate about his leadership style and approach to national problems, particularly terrorism. While many did not agree with his policies, the simplicity of the visual message and the foundational nature of the cowboy story provided a narrative that prompted a national debate on substantive issues of the day. Language is still considered the critical element of political debate, but as Bush's experience demonstrates, rhetoric includes visual communication as well. 相似文献
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This article argues that St. George Tucker, during his tenure as Professor of Law and Police at the College of William and Mary from 1790 to 1804, transformed American law professors, as distinguished from their English counterparts, into teachers who have primarily focused on educating students for the practice of nearly all areas of law, and who have influenced the development of law through legal scholarship and activism. 相似文献
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Given the history of the institution in the U.S., it is perhaps not surprising that few democracies have adopted a vice presidency. But, why do any countries have vice presidencies? What, if any, functions do they fulfill? In this paper we examine constitutional provisions for vice presidencies in 29 presidential democracies throughout the world. Specifically, we examine the extent to which the office of the vice presidency fulfills three possible institutional purposes: succession, legislative, or executive functions. Almost all vice presidencies included in our analysis fulfill the role of successor in the event of a presidential vacancy. Of those that have additional duties, most are assigned executive functions, while a few are assigned legislative functions. On the whole, the paper provides empirical evidence that vice presidencies seem to be marginal institutions. 相似文献
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JAMES M. LINDSAY 《International affairs》2011,87(4):765-779
The foreign policy world views of George W. Bush and Barack Obama differ dramatically. Bush made terrorism the focal point of his foreign policy and dismissed the idea that either allies or international institutions should constrain America's freedom of action. Obama sees terrorism as one of many transnational problems that require the cooperation of other countries to combat and, as a result, the United States must invest more in diplomatic efforts to build partnerships. Despite these differences, both presidents share one common conviction: that other countries long for US leadership. Bush believed that friends and allies would eventually rally to the side of the United States, even if they bristled at its actions, because they shared America's goals and had faith in its motives. Obama believed that a United States that listened more to others, stressed common interests and favored multinational action would command followers. In practice, however, both visions of American global leadership faltered. Bush discovered that many countries rejected his style of leadership as well as his strategies. Obama discovered that in a globalized world, where power has been more widely dispersed, many countries are not looking to Washington for direction. The future success of US foreign policy depends on the ability of policy‐makers to recognize and adapt to a changing geopolitical environment in which the US remains the most significant military, diplomatic and economic power but finds it, nonetheless, increasingly difficult to drive the global agenda. 相似文献
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Charles W. Dunn and J. David Woodward, American Conservatism from Burke to Bush. Lanham, MD: Madison Books, 1991. Pp. ix, 213. $18.95. Terry Eastland, Energy in the Executive: The Case for the Strong Presidency. New York: Free Press, 1992. Pp. 392. $22.95. Alonzo L. Hamby, Liberalism and Its Challengers, From F.D.R. to Bush, 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Pp. xi, 431. $16.95 paper, $38.00 hardbound. Thomas S. Langston, Ideologues and Presidents, From the New Deal to the Reagan Revolution. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992. Pp. xxi, 247. $35.00. Arthur Sanders, Victory: How a Progressive Democratic Party Can Win and Govern. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1992. Pp. xiv, 192. $14.95 paper, $42.50 hardbound. 相似文献
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This paper examines the patterns of television news coverage of the political parties, their leaders and the issues they raised during the 2001 Australian federal election campaign. By focusing on some issues, parties and leaders, television has long been argued to constrain voters' evaluations. We find that television news coverage in the 2001 Australian election campaign focused primarily on international issues, especially terrorism and asylum seekers, and on the two major parties—virtually to the exclusion of coverage of the minor parties and their leaders. Within the major party ‘two-horse race’, television gave substantially more coverage to the leaders than to the parties themselves, thereby sustaining what some have called a ‘presidential’-style political contest. John Howard emerged as the winner in the leaders' stakes, garnering more coverage than Labor's Kim Beazley. 相似文献
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受家庭尤其是父亲的影响,格拉斯顿从小即成为十足的“坎宁派”。出于对坎宁的崇拜,早年的格拉斯顿在一切政治问题上几乎无一例外地追随坎宁,坎宁的内外政策实践与伯克的政治思想,启迪并引导着青少年时期的格拉斯顿,成为他汲取政治智慧的主要源泉;相应地,它们也在一定程度上规定了格拉斯顿早期的政治态度与倾向,使他的早期经历打上了鲜明的保守主义印记。 相似文献
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《中国西藏(英文版)》1998,(6)
AtzerohourofthefirstdayoftheNewTibetanYear,Kambapeoplerushtonearbywellsforthefirstbucketofwaterwhich,intheireyes,representsauspiciousness,abumperharvestandlongevity.WhenwewereinKangding,someofourfriendstoldusstoriesaboutthesourceofthehabit:WerushtoamonasteryatthePaomashanMountain.Watercomesfromacrystalfountain,whichiscoolinsummerandwarminwinter.Moreover,itcontainsmanykindsofmineralsgoodforhealth.Femaledrinkersdon'thavetousemake-upandolderpeopleenjoylongevity.Wedeemitholywater.Thefountain… 相似文献