Visualizing New Deal Debates: FDR's Big Stick

This article examines the use of the image of the “big stick” in the context of the New Deal. I argue that the conservative press in the 1930s used the image to mobilize historical memories of over-reaching executive power and a growing federal government under Teddy Roosevelt to “explain” Franklin Roosevelt in 1932. Further, the “big stick” was used to accuse FDR of a drive for dictatorial power during his attempt to reorganize the Supreme Court in 1937. The article argues that the visual image and symbol of the “big stick” shaped contemporary political debates and mobilized the public in the 1930s, and continues to shape American political discourse, as seen in the use of the symbol in the 2012 election.     

The Congressional Committee Intelligence System: Information,Oversight, and Change

Data from a study of top staffers on congressional committees indicate that Congress is rich in sources of information about the executive branch, and that it exploits these sources surprisingly well. An observer of the contemporary Congress can read Max Weber's classic essay on "bureaucracy" with minimum alarm. Weber's bureaucracy had an "overtowering" position relative to its nominal political masters because of its continuity, expertise, and ability to guard information (secrecy). U.S. congressional committees have built a formidable counter organization. Committee staffers are not mere "dilettantes" who stand opposite administrative "experts." They have a significant level of experience in the areas covered by the agencies they oversee, and well developed communication networks which give them significant opportunities to push aside any veil covering bureaucratic decisions and activities. Moreover, they indicate a surprisingly active approach to keeping track of agency activities, leading one to question the predominance in the contemporary period of the "fire alarm" approach described in the literature. The article develops reasons why an active information seeking style may be more attractive now than in the past and suggests a connection between environmental changes, changes in information seeking behavior, and changes in other aspects of oversight behavior.     

“A Most Revolting State of Affairs”: Theodore Roosevelt’s Aldermanic Bill and the New York Assembly City Investigating Committee of 1884

In 1884 Theodore Roosevelt chaired a special committee of the New York Assembly, charged with investigating corruption in New York City departments. Roosevelt had also presented to the Assembly a bill to strip the city’s Board of Aldermen of their power to confirm mayoral appointments. The “Roosevelt bill” sought to break the power of Tammany over these appointments, and reduce waste and corruption. While the committee’s investigation provided the press lurid examples of corruption and incompetence, in the end it did little to diminish Tammany’s power. For Roosevelt, however, the committee hearings served as a perfect backdrop to his Aldermanic bill which was eventually signed into law by Governor Grover Cleveland. The parallel paths of the bill and the committee revealed Roosevelt as a shrewd politico building his reputation as an urban reformer.     

A Transformed Triangle: Court, Congress, and Presidency in Civil Rights

The relative permeability of the three elements of a triangle-the Supreme Court, Congress, and the president-to civil rights interest groups has varied over time. For almost two decades after World War II, the Supreme Court was the groups' preferred arena because Congress was resistant and presidents could thus do little or were hesitant to act. For a brief time in the mid-1960s the president and Congress became supportive of civil rights groups' claims while the Court also remained accessible. Starting in the late 1960s executive and legislative support for civil rights moderated, with presidential support declining significantly in the 1980s. When the Supreme Court adopted that latter stance, Congress became the body through which to protect civil rights by reversing the Court's decisions. In this examination of the "transformed triangle" in civil rights policymaking, we look at this change over time and at "flip-flops" in litigation as one administration changes the position espoused by its predecessor, and we also give some attention to the Supreme Court's response to congressional reversal of its rulings.     

Theodore Roosevelt and the Bureau of Corporation: Executive-Corporate Cooperation and the Advancement of the Regulatory State

Abstract

Theodore Roosevelt's trust policy has been viewed as “progressive” by his contemporaries, dictated by big business by the New Left, and as a precursor to autonomous institutional development most recently. This thesis will instead analyze Roosevelt's actions through a pragmatic lens. Roosevelt's first legislative action in relation to the trusts was to create the Bureau of Corporations. Whilst seemingly ushering in transparency in business affairs through its reporting function, Roosevelt secured executive jurisdiction over publicly circulating its findings, paving the way for private, state-corporate cooperation. Obtaining sensitive information through the promise of discretion, Roosevelt held an implicit leverage over companies, allowing him to threaten to publicize illegalities if they refused to abandon them. The Bureau became a forum for closed-door agreements which achieved tangible amelioration of practice, whilst minimizing the damage entailed by a public airing of corporate America's dirty laundry. I will analyze several Bureau investigations and illustrate the learning curve by which Roosevelt and big business came to an agreement over the parameters of cooperation. Mired by mixed signals from both sides during its early investigations, the emergence of dialectical negotiations over corporate practice and the extent of government-induced public scrutiny came to embody a fledgling cooperative process. These investigations illustrate the pragmatic means by which Roosevelt pursued a conservative, yet effective, reigning in of big business power.     

The Politics of Executive Nominations in the Post-Nuclear Senate

In response to an ever more inefficient, intrusive, partisan, and plodding executive nominations process, a variety of increasingly potent reform measures have been recently enacted within Congress. The solutions have ranged from cutting the number of appointments requiring Senate confirmation to reducing the power of the filibuster on most nominations. Although these reforms may speed the nominations process, they may also influence the balance of power between Congress and the presidency by allowing more unilateral and unrestricted appointments. Is Congress conceding confirmation for expediency? In this investigation, I explore recent reforms with respect to the speed and outcomes of the executive nominations process as well as the balance of power between the executive and legislative branches.     

The Churchill–Roosevelt Bases of 1940: The Question of Heritage in their Adaptive Reuse

The US military bases in the British Western Atlantic colonies, negotiated between Churchill and Roosevelt and formalised in the 1941 Destroyers–Bases Agreement, were all abandoned by the 1990s. In the process of their reuse the question of heritage meanings arises. From existing thoughts on heritage in older military bases, the paper considers the legitimacy of recent (living memory) bases as heritage, by reference to various cases among which Malta is particularly persuasive. The Churchill–Roosevelt bases and their heritage potential are then reviewed. The paper examines the three principal naval/military bases involved, namely Argentia (Newfoundland), Bermuda and Chaguaramas (Trinidad), with respect to what heritage perspectives exist among redevelopment agencies and other concerned institutional actors. In all cases heritage constitutes a recessive if not contentious issue among the priorities of base reuse in now post‐colonial environments.     

Mutually assured pathogenicity

Abstract

Expenditure in the United State for research and development reached approximately $41 000 million in 1977. Executive agencies of the Federal Government fund over half of this figure. The Congress is charged by the constitution to oversee the executive branch of the American political system. The pervasive impact of science and technology on the economy quality of life and international relations, as well as the magnitude, complexity and sophistication of science and technology, present a major challenge to management, evaluation and oversight. The General Accounting Office - an independent, nonpolitical organization charged with assisting the US Congress in carrying out its oversight responsibilities - has expanded and diversified its capabilities to meet this challenge.

In this review the nature of the US science and technology enterprise is described with emphasis on the role of the Federal Government. Against this background, the work of the General Accounting Office and how it as I ts the Congress in its oversight is outlined and illustrated by example.

These include a satellite system for remote sensing of Earth resources, a fast breeder nuclear reactor program and computer-aided manufacturing technology. In conclusion, some of the difficulties involved in evaluating research and technology innovation are mentioned, and some current major issues involving science and technology are identified.     

Reconciliation and the Budget Process

John Gilmour. Reconcilable diferences? Congress, the Budget Process, and the Deficit. Allen Schick, The Capacity to Budget. Richard Fenno, The Emergence of a Senate Leader: Pete Domenici and the Reagan Budget. Dennis Ippolito, Uncertain Legacies: Federal Budget Policy from Roosevelt through Rragan. Stanly Collender, The Guide to the Federal Budget, Fiscal 1992.     

FDR, Lewis Douglas, and the, Raw Deal

"Despite my emotions, I could not refuse the responsibility which has been offered; for in times like these, even more so than in times of war, individuals cease to be significant. Only the common welfare is important," explained Lewis Douglas in 1933 as he accepted President-elect Franklin Delano Roosevelt's offer of the position of director of the budget.¹ Douglas came to his post with a strong sense of obligation—he was certain the United States was in a "critical condition," and the only solution to the devastating depression lay in balancing the budget.² Roosevelt seemingly agreed with Douglas. Newspapers reported that the young budget director would "make his mark in the Roosevelt administration" and "be at the heart of things." Journalists argued that Roosevelt's appointment was an "indication that Roosevelt means business in his promise to reduce government costs."³     

西奥多·罗斯福对中日移民问题的不同态度及其原因——读他致国会的两份年度咨文

罗斯福在1905年和1906年致国会的年度咨文中分别花了较长的篇幅谈美国排斥中国和日本移民问题,态度与拟要采取的措施却大不一样.对中国移民,他态度生硬、冷漠,强调要严格排斥劳工;对日本移民,他热情洋溢,说要采取一切措施加以保护.此种差异仅以罗斯福的种族主义思想加以解释是不够的.他对实力的崇信才能说明问题.     

Agency Characteristics and the Use of Executive Orders

Past scholarship has offered varying explanations for why presidents choose to use executive orders. However, to this point, much of what we know of unilateral powers does not adequately address the role the bureaucracy plays in the president's decision. This research seeks to account for bureaucratic factors as a strategic presidential consideration in the employment of such directives. I classify executive orders from 1989–2012 based on which agency or agencies they apply to, and consider the importance of various characteristics (e.g. agency ideology, level of centralization, politicization, etc.) in determining which organs of the bureaucracy presidents will direct executive orders to generally. The results provide evidence that the White House directs fewer executive orders to agencies that have a politically independent leadership structure, and this result holds across a variety of measures judging an order's impact. The results demonstrate that the type of directive is crucial in determining a president's strategic decision to use executive orders, in line with previous research, and that agency centralization is one crucial component of this strategic calculation.     

Building Alliances or Rallying the Base: Civil Religious Rhetoric and the Modern Presidency

Abstract

Civil religious rhetoric has been utilized throughout American history to legitimize political interests by drawing upon broadly shared beliefs regarding the nation’s identity, meaning, and purpose in the world. Although scholars have traditionally assumed this rhetoric was employed to unify the nation, others emphasize its potential to exacerbate conflict as policy debates morph into battles over the national identity. This research project analyzes presidential speeches from Franklin Roosevelt through Barack Obama (1939–2012) and finds that the type of speech delivered, public approval of the president, and the partisan composition of Congress influence the prevalence of civil religious rhetoric. It concludes that modern presidents have more often relied upon civil religion to rally the partisan base than build alliances with the opposition.     

Congress and Back Seat Driving

Few pieces of legislation in the realm of foreign policy decisionmaking have greater potential effect or are more controversial than the War Powers Resolution. The Resolution was intended originally to create greater leverage for Congress over executive use of military force. In this effort, it is widely believed that the Resolution has been ineffective. This paper uses an information theoretic model to examine the War Powers Resolution. Results of the modeling process allow for two general assertions. First, the model suggests that the Resolution is an optimal choice of procedure by the legislature. In other words, the War Powers Resolution is better for Congress than its alternatives. Second, the information theoretic approach used here seems to coincide with an anecdotal history of the war powers debate better than do alternative explanations. Indeed, the analysis helps to explain why war powers legislation was not considered seriously sooner. Though criticism of the War Powers Resolution has its merits, claims for a variety of alternative procedural systems may be open to challenge. Those wishing to establish mechanisms for curtailing executive adventurism abroad may find it more rewarding to focus efforts on the budgeting process or on the reduction of military force structures.     

Relief Efforts Denied: The Civilian Public Service Training Corps and the Starnes Amendment, 1942–43

Abstract

The Civilian Public Service Training Corps was a programme for conscientious objectors to train for the relief and rehabilitation of the war-ravaged areas during World War II. Although the Historic Peace Churches (Brethren, Mennonite, Society of Friends) and the Selective Service already had a tentative programme in place, Congress eliminated the possibility of wartime relief with the Starnes Amendment to the Military Appropriations Act of 1943. The historical scholarship differs, but an examination of the parties involved reveals that Congress' rejection of the Training Corps stemmed from a number of reasons, which included a desire to use military funds for military purpose and antipathy toward First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt and her role in American politics.     

Presidential Unilateral Actions: Constitutional and Political Checks

Throughout history, presidents have invoked a broad array of powers. Some are legitimate and well grounded; others exceed constitutional boundaries and have met defeat in Congress, the courts, and the public. Still others originate from historical errors by the Supreme Court, particularly in the field of external affairs. The powers analyzed in this article begin with these: enumerated, implied, inherent, prerogative, ministerial, and discretionary. Presidential instruments of power include executive orders and proclamations. The erroneous “sole organ” doctrine, first appearing in the Curtiss-Wright case of 1936, was at issue in the Jerusalem passport case of Zivotofsky v. Kerry. The scope of unilateral executive authority is being tested in initiatives by the Obama administration in the field of immigration policy.     

Executive Policy-Making Authority and Using Zero-Base Budgeting for Allocating Resources

The objective of this article is to examine how executive policy-making authority is affected by allocating public resources via zero-base budgeting (ZBB). After reviewing the concept and rationale of ZBB, the article compares incremental policy-making with scientific policy-making. This review and comparison are then used to draw implications of using ZBB. Ultimately the article argues that ZBB will result in greater policy-making authority in the hands of senior management of the executive branch at the expense of the legislative agencies and bureaus. Thus, government's responsiveness toward the particularistic interests of individuals and groups will be reduced as a result of using ZBB.     

《归侨侨眷权益保护法》授权立法条款设置论析

论文以《中华人民共和国归侨侨眷权益保护法》授权立法条款的设置作为考察对象,分析探讨了明示授权立法与默示授权立法两种类型、授权立法条款设置的必要性及价值以及授权立法条款设置的实施效果;并针对《中华人民共和国归侨侨眷权益保护法》授权立法条款在立法技术上存在的诸如默示授权条款过多、可操作性差等问题,提出了需要在授权主体、授权内容等方面进一步修改完善的意见。     

美国新闻界与国会报道自由

美国宪法规定国会对公众开放,但这并不意味着作为人民耳目和代言人的新闻界就能够自由、真实、全面地报道国会的活动了。为此新闻界在众议院和参议院都进行了长期的斗争。新闻界在经历由党派报纸向商业报纸过渡的过程中,持续推动以国会报道自由的形式公开美国国会信息。经过与国会特权、保密行为长达半个多世纪的博弈,终于取得了稳定的驻国会山记者团制度,使美国国会成为最早得到系统信息公开报道的政府部门。     

Courting white southerners: Theodore Roosevelt’s quest for the heart of the South

Most studies of President Theodore Roosevelt address his “southern strategy” to revive the Republican Party’s fortunes in a region where it was effectively shut out by 1900. This essay revisits Roosevelt’s approach to the South between 1901 and 1912 and argues that wooing white southerners away from the Democratic Party, more than any other approach, represented Roosevelt’s overriding strategy for the revitalization of the southern GOP.