福蒂斯丘与英法封建君主制比较

福蒂斯丘爵士是15世纪英国的法学家和政治理论家,他最早研究了中世纪末英国的君主制类型及其与其他君主制的区别。他的特殊经历使其首次提出英国实行的是"政治且王室的统治",以区别于法国的"王室的统治"。上述两种类型的封建君主制在形成过程和统治方式上大相径庭,统治结果也截然分明,两者的优劣判若两途。福蒂斯丘有关"政治且王室的统治"的理论不仅揭示了中世纪末英国封建君主制的类型,对宪政理论的发展也具有奠基意义。     

詹姆士一世专制主义的现实困境——三论“英国民族国家形成过程中的宗教因素”

詹姆士一世竭力强调君权神授理论,意在追求他作为一个外来君主继承英国王位的合法性和加强专制主义统治。在此基础上,他对内推行看似宽容,实则接近天主教的宗教政策,对外追逐和平主义,其实是屈从国际天主教势力的外交政策,这不仅违背了英国中世纪以来形成的自由传统和"王在法下"、"王在议会"的混合君主制的宪政原则,而且也严重地脱离了英吉利民族追求国家独立发展的客观实际。17世纪中期的英国革命,表面上是由外来的斯图亚特王朝这个偶然因素促成的,实际上,它是英国反传统力量与维护传统力量之间冲突的结果。固然,斯图亚特初期英国的社会矛盾尚没有尖锐到不可收拾的地步,但是,詹姆士的专制统治却埋下了日后内战与革命的种子。     

试论福特斯鸠的"有限君权"学说

作为中古后期英王国著名的思想家和王国大臣,福特斯鸠的"有限君权"学说充满了矛盾的意涵。一方面,他反对专制的"惟有王家的统治",提倡"政治的和君主的统治",主张法律和议会对君主的限制。另一方面,他却主张君主在经济上开源节流,以巩固君权统治的物质基础;在政治上重组"国王的会议"辅政,以制约议会的立法权。他的学说的主旨其实并不在于限制君主,而在于消除内战的动荡状态,重建君主制的稳定统治秩序。他仍然是一个正统的中世纪思想家。     

中西封建君主制中的"法治"与"人治"

中西封建政治史上都存在着限制君权的传统。西欧盛行的是由日尔曼法、神法与封建法融合而成的“王在法下“的“法治“传统,在中国则表现为儒学的君主受制于“天“、“礼“的政治传统,但这类传统多流于理论或理想的层面。在中西君主制中,“谏议“虽有规范君权的效应,但最终并不能束缚君权,而君主以加冕誓词或“罪己诏“所作的政治承诺也是如此。从君权的实际运作来看,中西封建君主制都带有基本的“人治“特征。     

论艾德蒙·伯克的帝国思想

艾德蒙·伯克 (1 72 9- 1 792年 )是英国 1 8世纪最伟大的政治思想家之一 ,是英国保守主义集大成者 ,对英国宪政 ,英国政党政治的发展作出过巨大贡献 ,他的帝国思想是其政治思想的重要内容之一。 1 8世纪末 ,伯克对北美、印度问题发表了大量的演说 ,形成了新的帝国思想 ,他所阐述的帝国的统治原则 ,成了英国对土著殖民地的统治原则 ,为英国在印度新的统治机制的建立作出了巨大贡献 ,对英帝国的发展产生了巨大的影响。1 72 9年 1月伯克生于爱尔兰一个律师家庭 ,早年投奔辉格党 ,当过辉格党党魁罗金厄姆的私人秘书 ,是该党得力的理论家。他曾…     

孙中山逝世前后的秘闻轶事

孙中山先生领导中国人民推翻了清王朝的专制统治,结束了中国两千多年的封建君主制度,他是国共两党都极力推崇和敬仰的辛亥革命先驱者,素有“伟人”之称,“国父”之誉。他为领导辛亥革命而驰骋疆场的事迹妇孺皆知。然而,孙中山逝世时发生的一些轶事至今却鲜为人知。     

西方学术界关于欧洲绝对主义研究述要

西方学者认为 ,绝对主义是由封建等级君主制向现代立宪君主制转变的过渡形态。它源于封建等级君主制 ,又具有鲜明的特征。它体现君权压倒了封建贵族的特权 ,是启蒙思想与君主专权的混合物。它与东方专制主义也有着根本区别。     

论11-12世纪英国封建集权君主制

以英国独特的封建制度为社会经济基础,以盎格鲁－萨克森时代遗留下来的以分郡制为主干的中央集权的政治体制为政治基础,在国内外尖锐激烈的政治矛盾和斗争形势以及威廉一世个人的素质与特性的综合作用下,１１－１２世纪英国建立了封建集权君主制;它经历了从奠定到巩固再到发展三个阶段,并深刻地影响了未来英国的历史发展进程。     

中英封建晚期乡村组织比较

在封建社会里,或说在农村人口占据绝大比例的前工业社会中,乡村组织是封建政治制度的一部分,亦是封建国家政治统治的重要基础。乡村政治组织,与标志生产方式性质的农业生产组织相类相从,皆是社会转型问题研究中不可忽视的课题。本拟对英国和中国封建晚期社会的乡村基层组织做一较系统的考察和比较,包括乡村公共事务管理,司法诉讼与教化以及乡村精英阶层分析等,以期表明中国和英国封建晚期社会不同的发展轨。     

从天理观到政治——朱熹政治哲学略论

朱熹的政治哲学是以天理观为理论基础的,天理观的核心命题是"理一分殊"。朱熹政治哲学包括仁义为先、以民为本、为政以德、君臣相辅等内容。朱熹政治哲学,成为加强封建君主专制统治的工具,也包含合理成分,在我国封建社会后期产生了很深的影响。     

Political change in the Arab oil monarchies: from liberalization to enfranchisement

The oil monarchies of the Persian Gulf region have typically been portrayed as patriarchal autocracies characterized by traditional tribal rule that have taken on the characteristics of a modern state. The historical debate on these rentier states has centred on how their substantial oil income since the 1970s has allowed them to pacify their citizenry from making demands for enfranchisement. Power was thus firmly able to rest with the elites. Since the end of the Cold War, winds of change flamed the desire for reform and the late 1990s saw significant political changes. The empirical data indicates that this pace has increased, albeit at differential speeds, within the context of the post‐9/11 war on terror. Interestingly, this has been the case despite turmoil in Iraq and a shift to the right in Iranian politics. The fundamental drivers of reform in the Arab oil monarchies continue to be the ruling elites themselves, however. The character of the reforms does appear to be mainly liberalizing rather than democratizing, but developments in some oil monarchies suggest that this process can be viewed as an early or intermediate stage of a wider enfranchisement of civil society.     

The cult of Saint Denis and Capetian kingship

Throughout its history, the monastery of Saint-Denis sought to establish a tie with the ruling house, to make the abbey indispensable to the crown as the chief and privileged guardian of the royal presence. Beyond that, as the home of the principal Apostle of Gaul and the first bishop of Paris, it had a symbolic importance for the whole of France, independent of the monarchy itself. The representation of Saint Denis as a national saint, guiding, protecting, and promoting the well-being of the monarchy, was a monastic theme from the ninth century forward. The cult assumed its chief importance, however, in relation to the Capetians when, it is argued, it performed a critical function in the definition of French national identity under the aegis of the monarchy. In its importance for both France and the monarchy, the cult of Saint Denis helped make possible the fusion of two streams of national consciousness that might otherwise have remained distinct. Further, Capetian kings, by identifying themselves with the cult of Saint Denis, were able to tap a significant element of national devotion which contributed to the creation of a royal personality of national scope in France.     

The cult of Saint Denis and Capetian kingship

Throughout its history, the monastery of Saint-Denis sought to establish a tie with the ruling house, to make the abbey indispensable to the crown as the chief and privileged guardian of the royal presence. Beyond that, as the home of the principal Apostle of Gaul and the first bishop of Paris, it had a symbolic importance for the whole of France, independent of the monarchy itself.The representation of Saint Denis as a national saint, guiding, protecting, and promoting the well-being of the monarchy, was a monastic theme from the ninth century forward. The cult assumed its chief importance, however, in relation to the Capetians when, it is argued, it performed a critical function in the definition of French national identity under the aegis of the monarchy. In its importance for both France and the monarchy, the cult of Saint Denis helped make possible the fusion of two streams of national consciousness that might otherwise have remained distinct. Further, Capetian kings, by identifying themselves with the cult of Saint Denis, were able to tap a significant element of national devotion which contributed to the creation of a royal personality of national scope in France.     

DAVID AS A BIBLICAL ‘GOOD-FELLA’ AND ‘THE GODFATHER’

Abstract

Scholars search for analogies with which to better understand biblical texts. David has been compared to the “outlaw”, “refugee”, “vassal”, “renegade”, “guerrilla”, “bandit chief”, “fugitive” and “fugitive hero”. This article suggest that there are better cultural-social analogies, i.e., David as a “goodfellan”while in exile from Saul and in the land of the Philistines, and upon accession to the throne, “The Godfather”.

This article also has, as a part of its purpose, the intent to unmask some of the behavior of David and of monarchy for what they are: essentially organized crime maintained in large part by the use of indiscriminate violence-supported by nonsensical myths and obvious hypocrisy.

Cross-cultural comparisons are made throughout between the David stories, gangster movies and systems of monarchy—especially the ad hoc feudal type. Historical questions aside: The David stories can be “cross-culturally” compared with gangster films as “art”.     

评荀子的君本论和君民"舟水"关系说

荀子是战国末期儒学的传承,但他基于封建政权已经稳固的现实,提出了君民“舟水”关系说。其说弱化了传统儒家民本思想的力度,强化了君主专制的权威,从而从根本上构筑了儒学君本主义体系。孔孟儒学中的民本主义思想则被荀子削去锋芒,塞入君本主义框架中。于是,在牺牲了“民贵君轻”精神的前提下,儒学实现了与封建专制政治的并轨改造,并在理论上为后世封建政治提供了完备而切实可行的方案。     

King Bhumibol: The Symbolic “Father of Water Resources Management” and Hydraulic Development Discourse in Thailand

The present Thai monarch’s reputation in matters hydrological is an integral element of the mythology and symbolism that have characterised his reign. Royalists have carefully constructed the king as a semi-deified “Father of Thai Water Management”, “Royal Rainmaker”, wise inventor of hydraulic technology and planner of “royal initiatives” over a period of six decades. Yet, despite the links that are often drawn between water resources control, spiritual cosmology and political governance surrounding pre-modern Southeast Asian rulers, there has been surprisingly little critical scholarship undertaken on this contemporary aspect of kingship and state-making in Thailand. This paper examines the evolving discourse surrounding the monarchy and hydraulic development as a response to a perceived neglect regarding the central role of water in cementing the king’s power and legitimacy. It argues that King Bhumibol’s apparent hegemony in the national water resources governance paradigm has been an essential element underpinning the longevity and authority of his reign, partly facilitated through the workings of a network of allied strategic interests. Drawing from a range of sources, this paper makes a cautious start in addressing the subject and attempts to open up a space for further critical reflection and discussion regarding the significance of water resources control to Thailand’s royal statecraft.     

War and the emergence of the English parliament, 1297–1360

Although the opening of the Hundred Years' War led the kings of France and England to make similar demands upon their subjects, the effect on the monarchy and on the Estates was markedly different in the two countries. In England taxation gave parliament a central role in the medieval polity while in France it strengthened first local autonomy and then absolute monarchy. Because parliament had an inescapable obligation to grant taxation for common defence, the Commons sought to limit this to periods of open war, and to criticise and control the handling and expenditure of the tax. The character of taxation, as levied by common assent and for the common profit, likewise permitted resistance to the extension of prerogative rights and the assertion of parliament's right to grant the tax on wool. In these matters the Commons were forced into a defensive dialogue with the Crown over their obligations which educated them in political argument and the techniques of parliamentary opposition. The power to levy taxation on grounds of ‘necessity of state’ strengthened both monarchies; but in England this was subject to the assent and authority of parliament which thereby emerged as a political institution concerned with the common needs of the realm.     

Being a nation through the crown. Banal monarchism and nation-building in Spain, 1833–68

ABSTRACT

Studies on nationalism have rarely given importance to the role played by the monarchy. In the Spanish case, studies have principally underlined its negative impact at the beginning of the twentieth century. This article aims to approach the origins of this political and cultural junction between the crown and the phenomenon of nationalism in Spain. A process that took place during the reign of Queen Isabel II (1833–68) and that followed very similar times and formulas to its neighbouring countries. It is first discuss the challenge that the monarchy faced in resignifying and relocating itself politically and symbolically in the nineteenth century. On this path, the crown found in the nation a perfect partner. However, liberalism also used the historical legitimacy of the monarchy to construct a nationalist discourse where monarchical identity was a structuring and undeniable piece of the national essence. Then, the author studies two typologies of strategies undertaken by them to convey their idea of nation, to mobilize people and to engender national loyalty: royal travel and images of the monarchy – both literal and figurative – used by the state. A comparative perspective with different European cases is always follow, particularly with Queen Victoria.