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The passage of the 1911 Parliament Bill ended the power of the British house of lords to veto any legislation passed by the house of commons. Henceforth, it could only delay the passage of a measure. The bill was carried by a mere 17 votes and friction between Unionists who took up die‐hard opposition, advised abstention, or actively sought to aid passage was bitter. The role which the archbishop of Canterbury played in canvassing the episcopal bench and helping to ensure final passage of the bill has not attracted much attention. Prior to the debate, the archbishop advised abstention but did not dissuade others from encouraging bishops to support the bill to help ensure passage. Before the vote, therefore, ‘die‐hards’ opposing any concession to the government, ‘hedgers’ advising Unionist abstention in the vote, and ‘rats’, Unionists willing to vote for the bill to ensure passage despite personal reservations, attempted to sound out and pressure the bishops in their direction. At the debate, the archbishop changed his mind and decided he must support the bill in order to avoid a greater crisis, and 12 other bishops joined him in the government lobby, helping to create the final majority of 17 by which the measure passed. Consideration of the role of the bishops adds to the understanding of the mechanics by which the bill passed, amidst considerable intrigue, pressure and acrimony, as well as further illuminating the extent and intensity of the divisions within the Unionist party at this critical moment.  相似文献   

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<正>Introduction This article relies on a combination of questionnaires and interviews in an attempt to understand contemporary Tibetans' basic opinions of and attitudes towards incarnate lamas.  相似文献   

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Abstract

In this paper I want to examine the significance of Makarios' combined roles of Archbishop and President of Cyprus for his style of leadership and his political oratory. In so doing I hope to shed some light on certain aspects of ‘The Cyprus Problem’ which has hitherto received scant attention by political scientists and sociologists.  相似文献   

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Four medieval archbishops of York died in their palace at Southwell in Nottinghamshire. Three archbishops were buried in Southwell Minster. Archbishop Thomas of Corbridge was buried in an important position in the middle of the choir. His tomb had a marble top with an inlaid brass memorial. Thus Corbridge was held in high esteem and there is some evidence that he may have been regarded as an unofficial saint.  相似文献   

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1935年遵义会议后,陈云帮助中共与共产国际保持着良好关系。在延安,他建立起 一套人事制度,培养了党内的一批青年知识分子。在东北,第二次世界大战后他在小城市和农村建 立了共产党的根据地,对赢得东北的军事胜利发挥了重大作用。1949-1952年,他主持恢复了国 民经济秩序。1953-1957年,他成功地制定和执行了第一个五年计划,从事建设和工业发展。尽 管他作了努力,但仍未能阻止"大跃进",但是当毛泽东给他施展才能的机会时,他使国家从严重 的政策错误中恢复过来。1978年后,他的谨慎与专长使改革置于坚实的基础之上,他致力于平反 干部的冤假错案从而有助于改革开放的成功。陈云受到很多党员的爱戴,这不仅是因为他的巨大成 就,而且是因为他对国家和党的鞠躬尽瘁的精神和无限忠诚,对其他党员的真诚和爱护以及他朴素 谦逊的生活作风。  相似文献   

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Many former Supreme Court clerks describe their clerkship as the best job of their lives. David Souter's former clerks do too, though with what I believe is a greater than normal frequency. (As a former Souter clerk I confess to partiality.) But while Souter resembles other Justices in the devoted affection he inspires, he was in many other ways a very unusual presence at the Supreme Court.  相似文献   

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Based on a relational concept of regional analysis this contribution emphasizes that European Union (EU) Eastern enlargement will primarily lead to a restructuring or intensification of interregional economic relations. However, it rejects the widespread view that at first the border regions at the present EU Eastern boundary would be affected by Eastern enlargement. This view relies on the problematic assumption that the regions' transnational relations are subject to a logic of geographical nearness. The most important nodes of transnational economic relations in an enlarged EU are not the border regions, but certain regional development centres in the interior of the European economic space. Thus the regional impact of EU Eastern enlargement should be differentiated with regard to different types of regions: Particular advantages come towards the structurally strong regions in the interior of the present EU as well as the accession countries, whereas the structurally weak regions at the present EU Eastern boundary can gain advantages from Eastern enlargement only to the extent that they manage to overcome their endogenous blockades concerning cross-border economic cooperation and a positive attitude of the regions' population towards European integration.  相似文献   

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