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1.
张洁 《黑龙江史志》2013,(15):274-275,277
研究藏族民事习惯流变的原因,并对其分析,有利于研究藏族民事习惯的未来发展方向,更好地解决藏族内部及藏族与其他民族之间发生的民事纠纷,为我国社会主义法治化国家及和谐社会的建立奠定理论基础。  相似文献   

2.
马现永 《神州》2012,(31):33-33
随着市场经济的深入发展,人民群众法制意识的增强以及社会利益关系和分配方式的多样化,各种社会矛盾大量凸现,随之而来的是民事行政诉讼案件的逐年上升。如何及时有效地纠正诉讼违法、维护司法公正,是摆在检察机关,尤其是民行监督部门面前的重要课题,也是实现社会和谐的根本要求。  相似文献   

3.
王华峰 《民俗研究》2009,(1):225-233
随着民间法研究的兴起,大部分研究成果将注意力集中在宏观研究的方面,但是具体的民间法研究没有受到应有的重视。“无遗嘱且无法定继承人继承”这一乡土社会传统民事习惯,正是对具体的民间法进行研究的一个视角。通过对该传统民事习惯进行社会学解读,可以看出其在降低选拔难度、人际关系维持以及补偿方式多样化三个方面都有着自身的特殊优势,能对问题进行有效的解决。我国的法制建设在吸收外来文化的同时,也应当注意汲取传统文化中的优秀成份。  相似文献   

4.
我国的立法工作很大程度上未能迎合社会对法制的需求,这在民事立法工作中表现尤为突出。民事立法工作中存在的问题主要表现在两个方面:立法者在立法理念上的缺失以及立法方式上的路径误区。为了解决这两个关键问题,在立法理念上,我们应当加强民事立法的协调性理念、及时性理念以及全球化理念;在立法方式上,我们应当充分认识到专家在民事立法中的重要性地位,改变以往官员立法的传统,确立专家在民事立法中的主导性地位。  相似文献   

5.
石璠 《黑龙江史志》2014,(3):192-193,195
在晚清变法修律的过程中,处于变法修律最前沿的法界人士对民法为规定私人之间的权利义务关系的法律规范这一属性已经有了明确的认识,民法的重要性也已引起了法界人士的注意,他们也已经认识到民法与民事诉讼法是主法与助法的关系,主法宜在助法之先制定。制定中国自己的民法典一定要进行民事习惯调查也是法界人士的共识。此外,在民法的立法宗旨与立法模式上法界人士也已经有较成熟的看法。  相似文献   

6.
黄毅 《沧桑》2009,(2):76-77
在我国司法界,长期以来一直存在着重实体轻程序的现象。无论是民事、刑事还是行政,关于实体问题一直是司法界追求的目标,而对诸如是否侵犯了当事人的合法权益,审判是否公开、公正,是否遵循法定程序等却被忽视了。近年来,随着法制的健全,程序公正正逐步受到重视。本文对程序公正的要求、程序公正的意义、程序公正与程序正义区别、程序公正与实体公正的辩证关系进行初步探讨,进而论证了程序公正在司法实践中的独立价值。  相似文献   

7.
根据我国现行法律,习惯法主要在少数民族的婚姻、继承等方面发挥社会调节作用。柯尔克孜族历史悠久,曾受多种文化影响但又保持了较强的独立性,在其发展历程中,形成丰富的独特习惯规则,特别是在家庭、婚姻、亲属、继承等民事制度方面颇具特色。研究柯尔克孜族民事习惯法的历史及现状,能够为中国习惯法的研究贡献力量,为新疆民族区域自治的立法、执法以及司法提供一些有益的参照和借鉴。  相似文献   

8.
方志学的理论研究,从方志的本质特征到方志学的学科性质,从研究对象到学科体系,以及方志学的逻辑起点,方志学与其他相邻学科的关系等等,都有不少新的见解.但事关学科建设的核心关键问题,即方志学研究对象所特有的内在的或与外部联系的特殊规律,则很少有人问津,这对学科建设是十分不利的.  相似文献   

9.
法制新闻是一种专业性新闻,在20年的发展过程中,其宣传了契约观念、诉讼观念、依法办事和法理面前人人平等的观念。随着社会主义市场经济的快速发展,人们越来越懂得运用法律武器保护自己。但是,法制新闻发展到今天,出现了一些问题,本文将从问题以及解决对策为主题进行阐述。近年来,新闻媒体对于社会中的一些法制热点问题的关注度越来越高,特别是一些比较重大的案件,新闻报道往往以专  相似文献   

10.
论文回顾了2009年莫斯科"6·29"俄方关闭切尔基佐夫市场事件的始末,对由此引发的中俄两国民间经济、民事冲突的心理根源进行了剖析。认为2009年莫斯科切尔基佐夫批发市场的关闭,是近些年在俄罗斯频繁发生的华商经济冲突的最高潮。在中俄两国政治关系如火如荼发展、经济联系愈见紧密的同时,发生上述事件有其内在的文化、心理根源,两国差异性的民族心理与民族性格是一系列相关事件发生的内在动因。  相似文献   

11.
黄范章 《攀登》2008,27(1):70-72
该文指出,目前国内所称谓的“民营经济”或“民营企业”,其实质是指私有经济或私人企业。“民营”这一概念是我国由计划经济向市场经济转轨过程中特定阶段的产物,它模糊了产权关系,缺乏科学的内涵界定,并给一些人借机浑水摸鱼提供了可乘之机。因此,在现阶段,应给“民营经济”正名。  相似文献   

12.
Throughout the 1990s, hierarchical administrative governance structures have been replaced by self-governing networks for various motives, one of which is to improve the authenticity and democratic quality of public decisions. Thus, "new governance" has been praised for its propensity to provide a plurality of civil society organizations with access to the decision process. This article explores these claims based on the case of drug policy in Swiss cities. We show that self-governing networks indeed seem to have increased the involvement of civil society organizations in the policy process. However, we also find evidence that self-governing networks may in the longer run induce state control over civil society organizations, thus ultimately reducing associative pluralism. They do so either by imposing a policy paradigm or by excluding actors who do not comply with the dominant paradigm from the networks. We conclude by arguing that self-organizing networks should not be dismissed, given that former hierarchical bureaucratic approaches to drug-related problems have failed even worse. Rather, their long-term effects should be subject to further examination aimed at developing adequate responses to their shortcomings.  相似文献   

13.
Anthropologists working on native title cases in Australia are commonly asked to identify the Aboriginal ‘society’ that holds the body of laws and customs that confer land ownership rights on certain groups of people. In this paper I investigate how the early documentation of bora initiation ceremonies is relevant to understanding contemporary Aboriginal societies and the normative laws and customs that give rise to rights and interests in land. The vast ethnographic oeuvre of R.H. Mathews (1841–1918) includes detailed documentation of bora gatherings, which allows the reconstruction of the wider social reaches of people's networks in the lower Darling Downs of eastern Australia, and can in turn be understood as the ‘society’ so often sought in current native title case law.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

Microfinance does not reduce poverty, but it does successfully construct economic relations between owners of capital and borrowers of capital, allowing surpluses to accumulate through finance. It does so by drawing on the agency of financialised civil society actors who facilitate financialisation by working around the state to build new markets in finance and other goods. This article understands financialisation as the expansion of the frontier of financial accumulation. Microfinance is shown to achieve this expansion by establishing credit-based linkages between owners and borrowers of capital, allowing surplus accumulation to take place via the credit relation. Underlying this material relationship, there is also a level at which financialisation motivates and pressures civil society actors to bring microfinance to the poor. By becoming financialised agents themselves, civil society organisations act as conduits for an expansion of financial markets and the construction of new market relations for other goods. A case study of microfinance for water and sanitation in India shows in detail how this construction of markets via civil society works in practice, highlighting the pressures and opportunities presented by microfinance as a vehicle for building markets.  相似文献   

15.
近代天津会馆房地契约与诉讼习惯研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近代天津各会馆因房地产交易而订立的种类多样的契约较具典型意义,显示了不同区域会馆土地买卖的状况。清代至民国,天津会馆房地交易的契约形式相对稳定,使得民间契约、习惯和国家法律之间并未产生很大的冲突。在近代天津解纷机制的实践中,官方与商民形成了一个相互配合支持的多层次的调解模式。尽管民间习惯具有极为重要的地位和作用,但在国家立法中,周密的法律规定和严格的执法方式,使国家法规与民间习惯的距离愈来愈大。这种状况直至民国终结都没有得到根本性的改变。  相似文献   

16.
From the 1990s, academia has paid increasing attention to cultural rights and cultural citizenship. This paper reviews existing literature on the construction of cultural rights and cultural citizenship and argues that cultural citizenship expands the concept of ‘citizenship’, promotes citizens’ consciousness, and confirms the content of ‘cultural rights’. The concept of cultural citizenship provides a new perspective from which to examine the challenges of cultural inequality, taste differences, symbolic struggle in cultural participation, and consumption. Based on western theories, this paper discusses the development of cultural citizenship and cultural rights in cultural policy in Taiwan and China, and it finds the tension between control and autonomy and between the government and the civil society in the practice of cultural citizenship. In Taiwan, most cultural policies are developed and implemented by the government, and those affected by them often do not have the necessary critical awareness to judge or examine them. In China, the protection of cultural rights provides a new type of control rather than autonomy from the Chinese Government. In both Taiwan and China, it is important to empower civil society to balance the governments’ control over the practice of cultural citizenship.  相似文献   

17.
张聚国 《史学月刊》2000,1(4):93-101
杜波依斯一生都在为争取黑人的平等权利而斗争。但是,在不同时期,他对美国黑人问题的认识不同,解决方案因而不断调整。  相似文献   

18.
Rights‐based approaches have become prevalent in development rhetoric and programmes in countries such as India, yet little is known about their impact on development practice on the ground. There is limited understanding of how rights work is carried out in India, a country that has a long history of indigenous rights discourse and a strong tradition of civil society activism on rights issues. In this article, we examine the multiple ways in which members of civil society organizations (CSOs) working on rights issues in the state of Rajasthan understand and operationalize rights in their development programmes. As a result of diverse ‘translations’ of rights, local development actors are required to bridge the gaps between the rhetoric of policy and the reality of access to healthcare on the ground. This article illustrates that drawing on community‐near traditions of activism and mobilization, such ‘translation work’ is most effective when it responds to local exigencies and needs in ways that the universal language of human rights and state development discourse leave unmet and unacknowledged. In the process, civil society actors use rights‐based development frameworks instrumentally as well as normatively to deepen community awareness and participation on the one hand, and to fix the state in its role as duty bearer of health rights, on the other hand. In their engagement with rights, CSO members work to reinforce but also challenge neoliberal modes of health governance.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

This article reviews the introduction of the 2015 Law on Associations and Non-governmental Organisations in Cambodia (“NGO Law”) from 2011–17 and explores its connection to the rule of law. After outlining the content, definitions and regulatory environment related to the NGO Law, it provides a commentary on its initial application, and examines its potential articulation with other legislation (such as defamation and libel, telecommunications law and land law). I argue that the NGO Law should be characterised as a carefully crafted piece of legislation, developed and defended over time by the ruling political party to increase control and intimidation by invoking adherence to the “rule of law”. Narratives of national security, terrorism, neutrality and cultural cohesion have been interwoven with new regulatory requirements to obfuscate overt political interference. The article argues that the NGO Law intersects with, and consolidates, the recent trend of the government’s use of legislation as a political tool to control and manipulate political opponents and government critics. This is not to deny that there are areas of civil society action and service provision that require greater government control via regulatory compliance. Nevertheless, the state’s attempts to tighten civil space are being met with resistance and “work around” strategies from the plethora of diverse organisations functioning in Cambodia.  相似文献   

20.
Karen Buckley 《对极》2018,50(2):279-297
The 2013 and 2015 World Social Forums in Tunis, Tunisia hosted thematic “climate spaces” for the first time. This article examines the extent to which these spaces are constitutive of a form of “transformative peacebuilding” aiming to transform social relations and eliminate the structural violence of the world capitalist economy. Both the theoretical and practical activities of civil society at the climate spaces are shown to be transformative but only to the extent that they contest broad processes of trasformismo which transcend differences and obscure the lived realities of governance and resistance. In this sense, civil society groups and movements at the climate spaces are shown to engage with global capitalism to potentially produce new global understanding and action. This generates new understandings of civil society as constitutive of directly resistant modes of social relation that push for radically different visions of climate justice and governance.  相似文献   

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