祁连山国家公园建设的思考和建议

祁连山国家公园的建设对我国“一带一路”战略的实施和生态文明的发展有着重要的作用,不但可以保障西部生态安全屏障的健康,同时还能够打造生态环境修复和保护样板,为国家公园体制的建设提供借鉴。所以本文在探讨祁连山生态环境状况及保护现状的基础上,针对性的在健全生态环境变化监测监管机制、合理规划社会经济发展与生态环境保护及完善生态补偿机制方面提出了政策建议,服务于国家公园建设和生态环境恢复。     

西部生态之法治管见

我国西部生态脆弱带占西部总面积的80%以上,自然灾害多发。造成这种现状的原因是多方面的,对此,本文通过对西部生态灾难现状成因的分析,提出了对西部生态保护实行法治建设的相应对策。     

河南黄河流域生态保护和高质量发展核心示范区建设的基本遵循与发展对策

黄河流域生态保护和高质量发展上升为国家重大战略,为河南高质量发展提供了新的重大发展机遇。河南黄河流域生态保护和高质量发展核心示范区历史文化资源丰富、生态环境优美,发展潜力巨大。河南黄河流域生态保护和高质量发展核心示范区建设是一项宏大的系统工程,既要加强黄河生态保护、确保黄河长治久安、推动水资源节约集约利用、保护传承黄河文化,又要建立协调联动工作机制、构建区域错位发展机制、推动产业高质量发展。     

着力构建生态文明建设的长效机制

建设生态文明,既要在全国迅速掀起节约资源、保护环境的热潮,又要构建生态文明建设的机制,进行法制化和长效化建设,确保生态文明理念转化为持久的生态文明行动。因此,要科学规划生态文明建设,保障生态文明建设的有序开展;实现法律和制度建设的生态化转向,保障生态文明建设的规范开展;以产业生态化支撑生态文明,保障生态文明建设的持续开展。     

中国国家公园的土地权属与人地关系研究北大核心CSSCI

建立国家公园体制是推进生态文明建设的重要举措之一。目前,我国启动了9个国家公园体制试点区建设工作,表明中国保护地管理体制机制改革已从理论层面进入到实践阶段。土地权属不明晰是我国保护地建立的历史遗留问题,引发保护地与周边社区的矛盾,导致保护地生态破坏和多头管理等问题。人多地少的国情使我国国家公园在建设过程中面临的人地矛盾更为突出。国家公园试点区内目前存在着的原住民和集体土地,有着极为复杂的产权问题,需要通过调整土地权属和明晰土地用途,进一步落实自然资源的归属管理和用途管制,最终实现资源的严格保护和永续利用。本文介绍了我国国家公园体制试点区的土地权属和流转问题的由来,剖析了钱江源国家公园的土地确权流转案例,并借鉴英美在国家公园的土地权属与管理方面的国际经验,提出了解决我国国家公园土地权属问题的设想,包括:因地制宜、分步开展土地确权和流转,建立长效生态补偿机制,建立试点区与社区共建共享机制等。     

关于西部大开发中加强青海省生态环境保护与建设的思考

加强生态环境保护和建设是实施西部大开发的重要方面,这是由西部地区特殊的生态环境所决定的。从青海所处自然位置及其在全国生态环境中的地位看,在生态环境保护和建设上要加快青海生态大省建设,落实生态建设规划,坚持保护与建设并重,突出江河源头治理,加快植被恢复。同时制定措施,把各项工作做到实处。     

黄河流域生态保护的司法协调机制研究

2019年9月18日,习近平在河南省郑州市召开黄河流域生态保护与高质量发展专题研讨会,为加强黄河流域生态保护,促进优质生态建设作出重大安排。按照习近平在座谈会上的讲话精神,最高人民法院、中共中央办公厅、国务院办公厅先后发布了一系列有关黄河流域生态保护,促进优质发展的规范性文件。可以看出,黄河流域生态司法保障机制正在形成当中,但需要进一步深入研究的问题还较多。本文在分析黄河流域生态保护司法协调机制的现状及困境的基础上,提出了改善黄河流域生态保护司法协调机制的对策,以期为黄河流域生态保护和高质量发展提供有益的建议。     

西部山区乡村聚落空间演进研究的主要进展

西部山区由于生境条件差,很多地区面临较大的人口压力,生态问题和贫困问题长期交织在一起,不仅一直受政府扶贫工作的关注,也受区域乃至全球生态保护和社会发展相关组织的关注。本文主要从不同时间段、不同地区梳理了自20世纪初以来西部山区乡村聚落空间分布规律及其影响因素的研究,从理论、实证及生态系统等多角度对西部山区乡村聚落空间演化的过程及其成因机制进行了分析。作者认为随着多学科融合程度的加强,山区乡村聚落演化的研究逐步从以案例区分析为主的一般性的规律揭示走向以模式探寻为主的普适化的理论体系构建,对于山区乡村聚落,由于涉及更多的生态、贫困等多种区域发展问题,开展乡村聚落空间演化的综合性研究的需求会更加迫切,并在此基础上指出未来研究的方向。     

三江源生态保护与建设展望

三江源自然保护区生态保护建设工程是国家重大生态保护工程和西部大开发的标志性工程。这项工程自启动以来,在党中央的高度重视和国家有关部委的大力支持下,在省委省政府的正确领导下,通过项目区的各级党委、政府和有关部门的通力合作,工程进展顺利,取得了阶段性明显成效。     

对玉树州草地畜牧业发展道路的探索

本分析了玉树州草地畜牧业的经营现状和制约因素,从该州自然经济条件入手,结合社会环境的变化,论述了玉树州草地畜牧业面对市场经济,面对西部大开发的历史机遇和挑战,如何进一步发展的问题,并从政策、生态、科技、产业化等方面提出了该州草地畜牧业的发展思路及其应采取的对策。     

青海生态补偿法律机制探析

生态补偿是运用经济手段实现资源环境保护的一项重要制度。青海的生态环境在我国乃至亚洲具有举足轻重的地位,其生态环境的变化直接关系到国家的生态安全,对全球的大气、水量循环具有重要影响。但是,目前我国的生态保护与建设的补偿措施并不完善。对此,本文就生态补偿的含义和功能、建立青海生态补偿法律机制的必要性作一分析和探讨。     

三江源区生态移民的价值测算与补偿机制研究

三江源区在我国乃至世界占有极其重要的生态地位。随着三江源区生态保护与建设项目的顺利实施,作为该项目十大工程之一的生态移民建设已经取得了阶段性的成绩,但在推进生态移民工作中存在的问题也日渐显现。要着力解决这些问题,关键在于理清并建立该区域生态环境的价值测算与补偿机制。     

中国现代化进程中的生态困境

中国在建设社会主义现代化的进程中,对环境保护做了很多有益的尝试,但依然而临着严峻的生态困境。各种类型的自然灾害、重大环境污染和生态破坏事件频发;随着城市化进程的不断加快,城市所面临的环境危机也日益凸显;环境保护的政策与治理虽有改进,但进展缓慢,中国生态恢复和环境保护的前景不容乐观。为此,必须转变经济发展方式,实现经济、社会和环境的协调发展。     

中国藏区脱贫与生态保护政策的联动性探讨

藏区是中国贫困发生率最高的区域之一,也是中国乃至世界最重要的生态区域,更是少数民族贫困地区最具典型意义的区域。避免扶贫和生态保护单一政策的制度缺陷,发挥二者间制度安排的联动效应,选择统筹发展路径,是藏区经济社会可持续发展的关键。     

三江源生态移民生存发展问题研究

生存环境是一个民族赖以生存发展的基本条件。站在民族发展进步的视阈,青海三江源生态保护和建设工程无疑是生活在这一区域的各民族,特别是藏民族发展进程中的重大事项,它对千百年沿袭下来的生产和生活方式的改变将产生十分重大的影响。工程实施以来,各级政府按照“实现保护和恢复生态功能、促进人与自然和谐和可持续发展、农牧民达到小康生活”三大目标的要求积极开展工作,取得了阶段性成果。同时,面临的困难也相当大。本文根据笔者的调研,就三江源生态移民生存发展面临的困难和问题及其解决的思路提出粗浅的看法。     

Towards a Democratic Bill of Rights

This paper examines two different bill of rights models for Australia: the Dialogue model and a Democratic model. The Dialogue model aims to protect rights through a bill of rights, strong political review mechanisms, intergovernmental dialogue, and rights-based judicial review. The paper argues that, despite its popularity, there are serious problems with the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Dialogue model and it outlines an alternative model, a ‘democratic bill of rights’, which attempts to avoid these problems by strengthening democratic institutions and political review mechanisms without adopting rights-based judicial review. The paper concludes that a democratic bill of rights is likely to be an effective and more democratically legitimate way of protecting and promoting human rights in Australia.     

Community‐Based Resource Management in Turkey: ‘Je Participe,Tu Participes,Il Participe… Ils Profitent’1

The current discourse and practice of natural resource management rest on the assumption that participatory decision‐making mechanisms offer efficient and equitable policy solutions. There is increasing recognition, however, that such mechanisms might fail in ensuring effective participation of all stakeholders and, consequently, be prone to (re)producing inequalities and remaining ineffective in environmental protection. Taking this observation as a backdrop, this study addresses the under‐investigated implications of state–society relationships on the operation of participatory processes. By employing a unique combination of data provided by focus groups, in‐depth interviews, and a survey administered to 377 individuals, it analyses the ‘failure’ of participatory decision making within the context of an internationally‐funded environmental conservation project in Sultan Sazl???, Turkey. The article argues that the specific manifestations of state–society relationships and the political economy dynamics at the local level account for this failure. It shows that local materializations of state behaviour, interacting with local inequalities and perceptions of the decision‐making process, impinge on effective participation. In emphasizing that the capability of different groups to participate is shaped by the state in important ways, this article calls for more research on the political economy of state–society relationships and community‐based resource management.     

After Westgate: opportunities and challenges in the war against Al‐Shabaab

The attack on the Westgate Mall in Nairobi, Kenya, in September 2013 intensified international scrutiny of the war against Harakat Al‐Shabaab Mujahideen (Movement of the Warrior Youth). This article analyses the current state of affairs with reference to the three principal sets of actors in this war: Al‐Shabaab, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and its international partners, and the various actors currently involved in building the Somali Federal Government's security forces. It argues that although the newly reconfigured Al‐Shabaab poses a major tactical threat in Somalia and across the wider Horn of Africa, the movement is becoming a less important actor in Somalia's national politics. As Al‐Shabaab loses territory and its popularity among Somalis continues to dwindle, other clan‐ and region‐based actors will become more salient as national debates over federalism, the decentralization of governance mechanisms beyond Mogadishu and the place of clannism will occupy centre stage. As a consequence, AMISOM's principal roles should gradually shift from degrading Al‐Shabaab towards a broader stabilization agenda: encouraging a national consensus over how to build effective governance structures; developing an effective set of Somali National Security Forces; and ensuring that the Federal Government delivers services and effective governance to its citizens, especially beyond Mogadishu in the settlements recently captured from Al‐Shabaab. As it stands, however, AMISOM is not prepared to carry out these activities. More worryingly, nor is the Somali Federal Government.     

Japan's FTA politics and the problem of agricultural trade liberalisation

Japan's willingness to negotiate Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) is not matched by a readiness to liberalise agricultural trade. Japan has used a variety of mechanisms to limit the extent of agricultural concessions in FTAs. Public choice theory predicts that FTAs are a more effective instrument for opening Japan's agricultural market than the WTO because they reshape the domestic politics of Japanese trade in ways that are conducive to further market opening. FTAs do this by altering the domestic politics of trade policymaking on the demand side as well as some aspects of the supply side. On the demand side, business groups mobilise even more strongly to demand an end to agricultural protection, whilst on the supply side, the value of FTAs for broader state interests are recognised by politician-leaders. Various structural obstacles in the policymaking process, however, prevent the altered demand and supply-side dynamics from necessarily delivering free trade outcomes.