共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Rev. John Gunn 《考古杂志》2013,170(1):246-251
This paper attempts to demonstrate four things: (1) There is no adequate documentary basis for Petrie's ‘Northern’ system of lengths. (2) We do not know of any system into which Anglo-Saxon lengths were organized. (3) The perch of 5.03 m is the only Anglo-Saxon unit of which the length is known. (4) There is insufficient evidence to support the view that the Drusian foot of 33.3 cm was widely used by the Germanic tribes in general or in Anglo-Saxon England in particular. Conversely the modern English foot of 30.48 cm has more to recommend it as Anglo-Saxon than has previously been recognized. 相似文献
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Dr. Ferdinand Keller 《考古杂志》2013,170(1):133-136
More iron objects have been found in East Yorkshire than in any other part of Iron Age Britain of comparable size, largely in the burials of the Arras Culture, named after the excavations at Arras near Market Weighton (1815–17). The region also contains one of Britain's largest prehistoric iron production centres, contemporary with the Arras Culture. This article aims to contribute to re-establishing early iron production and consumption, and its social and economic significance in the archaeological mainstream, and demonstrate the importance of understanding ironworking for the Iron Age landscape. 相似文献
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Silas Palmer 《英国考古学会志》2013,166(4):290-292
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Llewellynn Jewitt 《英国考古学会志》2013,166(1):52-67
Plans to redisplay the Bayeux Tapestry raise anew the questions as to where and how it was originally intended to be displayed. Analysis of the linen fabric provides new insights into the tapestry’s design and manufacture, and enables its original length to be calculated. Re-examination of the (largely destroyed) 11th-century cathedral at Bayeux and of its liturgical layout demonstrates that the tapestry would have fitted neatly into the nave west of the choir screen. Its narrative falls into three discrete sections that reflect the way in which it would have been hung within the building, and the arrangement of the scenes takes account of the uneven bay-spacings of the nave arcades and the positions of the doorways. It can therefore be concluded that the tapestry was designed for a particular location within the nave of Bayeux cathedral. The cathedral’s liturgical traditions shed light on the way in which the tapestry would have been viewed in the Middle Ages, and the wider implications for the way in which it could and should be viewed today are briefly considered. 相似文献
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C. H. Compton 《英国考古学会志》2013,166(1):43-52
AbstractThe early Donjon at Langeais is among the best-known early medieval buildings in Europe, but has not been systematically studied; this paper is based on a stone-by-stone record and archaeological analysis of the standing building, and presents an interpretation of its structural and functional history. Three major structural phases have been identified. Most of what remains is original (Phase I); the ruin can be reconstructed as a main block of two floors with two tower-like attachments to the east side, probably linked by a gallery. A date of c. 1000 is proposed, but does not allow definite attribution to Fulk Nerra. Considerations of comfort and convenience were more important to the original design than security, although the building had some defensive capacity, and could have been incorporated in a walled circuit; it may have been an entire residence of a type ancestral to the mature multi-storeyed residential donjon, or have been included in an assemblage of low-level buildings, representing an alternative form of domestic planning. In the later 11th or early 12th century (Phase II), the annexes were reduced and the building deprived of any defensive character by the insertion of ground-floor doorways. The 15th century saw the demolition of the west wall, followed by consolidation of the remains, and other modifications (Phases IIIa, IIIb and IIIc). A combination of archaeological observation, recording, remote sensing and historical research shows that the fortified area extended at least to c.200 m west of the donjon in the 11th century, and contained a collegiate chapel. 相似文献
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W. S. W. Vaux 《考古杂志》2013,170(1):229-233
Over three seasons between 1979 and 1981 the author undertook, on behalf of the then Historic Buildings and Monuments Directorate (Scottish Development Department), the rescue excavation of a 2.4 ha native settlement in advance of land reclamation for upland arable farming. Though limited in extent, the excavations identified a complex sequence of four major phases of occupation. Dating evidence was scarce but occupation appears to have begun as an unenclosed settlement during the Iron Age that was subsequently enclosed within earthen ramparts. Occupation inside the earthworks continued at least until the second century A.D. and a succession of later phases of building indicates that the site may have been settled continually or intermittently until the seventeenth century. 相似文献
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E. Panagiotakopulu 《Archaeometry》2003,45(2):355-362
The identification of insects preserved in pharaonic antiquities stored in the Egyptian Museum of Turin provides new information on aspects of biogeography, storage and trade. The khapra beetle, Trogoderma granarium, the biscuit beetle, Stegobium paniceum, and the house fly, Musca domestica, were recovered from food offerings from tombs in Egypt, and Dermestes frischii was found embedded in resin from a cartonnage mask. The study produced some of the earliest records of pests of stored products, and the khapra beetle may indicate early contacts with the Indian subcontinent. The problems of differentiating modern and ancient infestation are discussed. 相似文献
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J. R. Planché 《英国考古学会志》2013,166(1):29-39
AbstractOne of the most intriguing problems in the study of Gothic architecture in the Latin East concerns the network of interrelationships between the major architectural centres in the eastern Mediterranean, especially the Crusader states of the Levant, the kingdom of Cyprus and Hospitaller Rhodes. Although scholars have been aware of the artistic links between these areas for decades, the Cyprus-Rhodes connection remains to this day largely unexplored, despite the obvious interest it presents for the development of ecclesiastical architecture in the region. This article examines the architecture of the Carmelite church in Famagusta and its formal affinities with Rhodes cathedral, in order to identify the conditions and modes of transmission of architectural designs from Cyprus to Rhodes in the second quarter of the 14th century. It will also attempt to demonstrate that the same basic design had been employed for two buildings of radically different status and function, in a reflection of the circumstances, financial or ideological, surrounding their creation. 相似文献