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The changing role of Islam in the public life of Turkey is about to come under renewed scrutiny, the key issue being the potential candidates for the May 2007 presidential election. Erdoǧan, the Prime Minister and head of the first Islamist majority government in the republic's history, is likely to stand. Arguments already abound as to the legitimacy of such a move, with the opposition declaring that they will boycott the election if Erdoǧan becomes a candidate. Equally, Erdoǧan's own supporters are, in public, at least occasionally uncertain, conscious that when the late Özal moved to become president, his party suffered. Secularists grimly wonder whether they will be able to survive such an overt transfer to an Islamist figure, one whom they fear would be a great contrast to the pro‐Republican present incumbent, President Sezer. Yet, how should we face such a transition? What implications does it have for Turkey's politics, both internally in terms of the social life of the country, and in external affairs?  相似文献   

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Much recent scholarly attention has focused on the theme of growing nationalization in U.S. House elections. In this study, I reach a mixed verdict concerning the extent to which national forces have become more determinative of the House vote from 1980 to 2004. Only voter partisanship, but not ideology, economic evaluations, or assessments of presidential candidates' personal qualities, has increased in importance during presidential year elections. Since presidential voting, on the other hand, has come to depend more heavily on all these factors except the last, this means that contrary to the conventional wisdom, the bases of House and presidential voting actually have grown less, rather than more, similar over time.  相似文献   

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Since the beginning of the "Troubles," Ulster unionists generally have viewed American involvement in Northern Ireland as biased towards nationalists and "unwanted interference" in their internal affairs. Yet despite vehement condemnations, unionists made virtually no attempt to counteract Irish-American perceptions or to explain unionism to U. S. audiences. But from 1994 onwards, mainly in response to the expanding involvement of the Clinton administration in the peace process, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) launched a sustained effort to engage the White House and get its views across in America. While some of these UUP initiatives got nowhere, others achieved a considerable degree of success, particularly the effort to convey unionist perspectives to the heart of White House policymaking.  相似文献   

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郭健 《史学理论研究》2002,44(1):104-120
前 言法国伟大历史学家费尔南·布罗代尔的著作和学术贡献在北美史学界和社会科学界的影响 ,与其在拉丁美洲历史研究和不同文化地区的社会问题研究中的影响截然不同。今天 ,在 1 999年要问何以如此 ,这个问题涉及在行将过去的 2 0世纪 (从年代上而不是从历史的角度而言 )法国文化在境外产生影响的两个重要篇章。法国的贡献在本土之外传播的这两个篇章 ,基本上向我们提出了一个比较具有普遍意义的主题 ,即过去一百年中的“跨文化交流”(transculturalexchanqes)这个主题。在这个问题上 ,就涉及的人士和文化而言 ,这种…  相似文献   

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美国城市旅游   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
美国城市旅游对我国发展都市旅游有借鉴意义。本介绍了美国在散客旅游方式、旅游交通、城市旅游资源开发、旅游宣传资料以及旅馆业经营方式方面的一些做法。  相似文献   

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zach  levey 《外交史》2005,29(2):379-382
Book reviewed:
Warren Bass. Support Any Friend: Kennedy's Middle East and the Making of the U.S.-Israel Alliance . New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. 336 pp. Notes, bibliography, index. $30.00 (hardcover).  相似文献   

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