美国在华领事裁判权的形成与撤废

领事裁判权问题是近代以来阻碍中美关系发展的主要症结。1844年的中美《望厦条约》将美国在华领事裁判权以法律形式加以固定。1927年1月,美国出于远东战略利益的需要,决定通过谈判途径“尽快”解除美在华享有的治外法权,但因当时美国对华政策无确定对象,加之中国政局动荡,致使美国放弃在华领事裁判权的立场有所动摇。1928年中美签订新关税条约后,在中方的坚持下,中美开始就撤消美在华领事裁判权问题进行谈判。其间,美国采取拖延、推委战术,致使谈判久拖不决。‘‘九一八”事变后远东局势发生突变,中美长达三年之久的谈判因之被迫中断,撤消美在华领事裁判权问题被搁置一边。     

Small state imperialism: the place of empire in contemporary nationalist discourse

Many modern European nations can trace their heritage back to one of the large multinational empires that once encompassed much of the European landscape, and nationalising elites often refer back to their place in these empires for the materials upon which their nation was purportedly built. In this article we examine some Belarusian nationalising elites and their references to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in order to demonstrate a recent trend in East European small‐state national identity construction, which we refer to as ‘small state imperialism.’ Small state imperialism exhibits realist characteristics and paints the small nation's place in empires of the past as privileged and aggressive, and in this way deviates from the oppressed but morally superior image one typically expects of a small nation. This interpretation is not limited to Belarus; in a number of East European states a similar imperialist turn has taken root in nationalist discourses.     

Bridging Cultures: The Forging of the China Consular Mind

ABSTRACT

This article examines the imperial socialisation of young consular officials and how they were prepared for their role as intermediaries between Britain and China. Drawing on private papers and public archives, it uses the career of one such official to analyse the processes which took place when they joined the China Consular Service and how their evolving mentality reflected and further shaped its collective mind. It argues that such officials learned to develop a cultural sensitivity towards China which would be key to their ability to forge the collaborative relationships that underpinned the British presence. Whilst it is generally acknowledged that that presence was marked by an unquestioning belief in the imperial mission, there has been less focus on how that sensitivity enabled Britain to maintain its dominant position in China until the outbreak of the First World War. The article argues that, although that sensitivity was self-serving, and notwithstanding the unequal treaties, it derived from a genuine interest in and sympathy for the country which was instilled into officials from the outset of their careers. However, those elements also helped perpetuate the degradation of China's sovereignty during this period. To understand how this took place and why China continues to characterise the period as ‘the century of humiliation’, we need first to explore how that sensitivity, with its underlying ambiguities and tensions, was forged and sustained as part of the mind-set of the consular service.     

Constructing Sovereignty in Nineteenth-Century China: the Negotiation of Reciprocity in the Sino-Spanish Treaty of 1864

Since the Republican era, the unequal treaties that China was forced to sign became the basis for the articulation of a narrative of humiliation that has continued to the present day. These treaties, which represented a threat to Chinese sovereignty and were a display of the might of Western powers, have several features in common: they imposed extraterritoriality; included the most-favoured-nation clause; and fixed indemnities or disproportionate concessions. However, the Sino-Spanish Treaty of 1864 was to a certain extent unusual, as it not only guaranteed privileges to Chinese merchants and citizens visiting the Spanish colony of the Philippines, but even went as far as to grant China a most-favoured-nation clause. Through a comparative analysis of the 1864 Sino-Spanish Treaty and the circumstances under which it was negotiated, this article will argue that far from simply being an exception that proves the rule, this treaty offers a glimpse into the need for a more flexible and wider narrative surrounding mid-nineteenth-century China international relations. In an attempt to contribute to the dereification of the West and a better understanding of Chinese agency in the mid-nineteenth century, this narrative needs to be more inclusive of the peripheral powers.     

Beyond the commodity economy: the persistence of informal economic activity in rural England

A widely held view in economic geography is that the commodity economy — in which goods and services are produced by capitalist firms for a profit under market conditions — has permeated, albeit slowly and unevenly, ever more areas of daily life. Until now, however, little evidence has been provided of the extent and unevenness of its penetration. This is the intention of this paper. First, secondary data are used to evaluate the penetration of commodification in the advanced economies. Rather than find its permeation into every crevice of daily life, a non-commodified sphere as large as the commodified sphere is identified. Reporting case study evidence on the commodification of household services in rural England, explanations are then sought for the persistence of these non-commodified spaces and the uneven penetration of commodification. This reveals that despite household services being more commodified in higher income rural areas, commodification and its uneven contours cannot be explained simply in terms of economic determinants. Although economic forces prevent the advance of commodification, especially in lower income rural areas, strong 'cultures of resistance' to the edicts of commodification also impede its deeper penetration. The paper thus concludes by outlining the roles played by both economic and cultural forces in shaping commodification and its uneven contours, as well as the need for economic geography to broaden its scope beyond the commodity economy.     

逡巡于意识形态与现实利益之间的选择——关于新中国成立前后美国对华政策的再思考

反共主义的意识形态和服务于美国全球战略的现实考虑,使新中国成立前后的美国对华政策既表现出浓厚的意识形态色彩,也表现出明显的现实利益因素。单从意识形态或现实利益的角度认识和理解美国对华政策既不全面也不客观,应该说它是美国在中国历史发生巨大转折的情况下,逡巡于意识形态与现实利益之间的艰难选择。     

The China of Tomorrow: Japan and the Limits of Victorian Expansion

ABSTRACT

This article contributes to the literature on the mechanisms, rhetoric, and limits of mid-Victorian expansion by asking how far late Tokugawa Japan was subject to forms of British imperialism. In September 1862 a British merchant was murdered on the high road between Edo and Kyoto; a year later, a British fleet bombarded Kagoshima in retaliation. By engaging with John Darwin’s concept of the ‘bridgehead’, this article examines the circumstances in which a lonely death on the frontiers of British commerce could be transformed into a Victorian ‘outrage’. It considers what we stand to gain by bringing an imperial history perspective to bear on what remains, for most imperial historians, a largely forgotten conflict. In positing Yokohama as a bridgehead that could gain only fitful purchase in London, it asks new questions about the conduct of ‘gunboat diplomacy’ and the fault lines of mid-Victorian expansion; the place of Japan in British political imaginaries; the nature of informal empire; and the discourses buffeting British expansion in the turbulent 1860s.     

略论20世纪50年代中国的商业信用

建国初期,我国商品交易中广泛存在着商业信用,商业信用制度是信用制度的重要组成部分。在建立苏联式的计划经济体制过程中,国家为了对资金流通与商品交易实行计划管理, 从1954年起强制取消了国营经济的商业信用,试图以国家银行信用制度取代商业信用制度。取消商业信用制度后,我国的信用制度出现缺失,虽然大量“非法”商业信用形式依然暗中存在,但信用制度的功能受到抑制,严重阻滞了社会资金的正常运行。     

二十世纪一二十年代沿海城市社会文化观念变动评析

20世纪一二十年代沿海地区,随着清王朝的覆灭、民国的建立,尤其是新化运动的兴起,城市知识群体和市民阶层的社会价值观念发生了变革;以性别平等观念和妇女解放为标志,平等自由的精神开始渗入到社会伦理观念之中;在生活习俗方面,社会风俗观念发生明显变化;反映市民阶层需求的大众化逐步形成。     

1920年代国内蒙古问题之争——以中俄交涉最后阶段之论争为中心

蒙古问题既为中俄复交久拖不决之主要原因,亦因中俄交涉而由舆论之边缘进至中心视野。知识界由友俄到出现联俄与仇俄之争,苏俄对蒙古问题的介入乃是导致这一变化最敏感、最直观之因素。各方对"民族自决"及其基本范畴之不同阐释与论争,将蒙古问题高度意识形态化。随主权话语渐次压倒革命话语,告别"自决"之趋势因以出现。"民族自决"本为被压民族、国家之理想诉求,其流播世界辄成不同势力之政治利器。蒙古问题乃20世纪一二十年代国内首要之民族问题,外来"民族自决"在此遭遇特殊困境,促使其由外交及政治争端,延伸至思想学术领域,并对中国民族学之建构发生特殊影响。     

Russian timber industry in the 1920s: on the short history of Russnorvegoles

After the Russian Revolution, with civil war and interventions, war communism (1918–1921) led to a period of great economic difficulties in Russia. The New Economic Policy was the solution, and concessions offered to Western business interests were a part of it. In the timber industry of the 1920s, the jointly Western and Soviet controlled company Russnorvegoles was an important concession. The majority of the Western interests were Norwegian, and the company was registered as a Norwegian limited liability company with seat in Oslo. The four-and-a-half-year history, involving Western interests in the operations of Russnorvegoles, is both interesting and dramatic. Profitability was undermined, and intricate currency arrangements played a significant role during the last eighteen months in which Western interests were involved. The prominent Norwegian fascist politicians Quisling and Prytz were both involved, and the latter emerged a wealthy man. Living on his means for some years following 1928, he contributed financially to the formation in 1933 of a Norwegian Nazi party (Nasjonal Samling/National Reunion). This dimension of Norwegian political history demonstrates the role that Russnorvegoles played beyond the timber industry.     

1990年代《美国历史评论》的中国研究

作为美国社会中一个较大的学术群体,美国历史学家的中国研究对于我们了解美国知识分子的中国观具有很大的参照意义。最权威的美国史学刊物——《美国历史评论》——在20世纪90年代所发表的中国研究文章便从一个极为重要的角度展示了美国史学界的中国研究在最近十年的主要线索:中国的传统儒家思维方式左右着中国近现代的社会发展和对外交往。     

中国现代性视野中的文化哲学——论中国20世纪30-40年代对斯宾格勒的接受与转换

德国化哲学家斯宾格勒(Oswald Spengler,1880—1936)构思了一套具有悲观色彩的化哲学。在20世纪20年代初期,斯氏的学说就被留学德国的中国青年学生介绍到中国。对当时中国颇为热闹的“东西方化论战”提供了一种理论上的参照①。30—40年代,整个世界的状况和中国特有的民族国家危机,     

理性的追求：抗战前浙江农民经营副业管窥

中国农民千百年来的生存之道是＂安全第一＂。抗战前浙江农民以种粮为主业,收入有限而支出庞大,必须寻求副业收入加以平衡。显然副业已成为浙江农民生存的＂安全阀＂,他们根据市场的刺激和机会理性地配置副业资源来寻求最大收益,以保证安全的最大化。但随着三十年代以降影响市场景气指数的各种不利因素的叠加,副业衰落,＂安全阀＂失效,农民生活恶化,农村经济破产。     

Imperial reproductions: The circulation of colonial images across popular genres and media in the 1920s and 1930s

The Fascist phase of the Italian colonial experience was characterized by the diffusion of colonial discourses and imagery across Italian culture. Significantly, it was frequent for the same people to produce texts belonging to diverse genres, often cutting across different media and irrespective of distinctions between elite and popular audiences. Concentrating on representations of the East African territories which were eventually to constitute the Africa Orientale Italiana (AOI) , the article analyses the way in which a selected number of images of the colonies spread across different genres and media, arguing in favour of an interdisciplinary approach to colonial processes of representation. Textual and visual mappings of Africa inscribed its territories with European symbols, value systems and signifiers. Geographers and travel writers, in particular, had a fundamental role in creating not only the physical but also the mental space for colonization. They enacted the transformation of East Africa from the dangerous and unmapped setting of the heroic acts of individual explorers to the stage for a collective colonial effort. In their footsteps there followed the discourse of tourism and the tourist industry, which was meant to integrate the image of the colonies with that of the peninsula.     

60年代美国对华政策研究现状述评

国内外对于 50年代的中美关系和美国对华政策的研究已经取得了丰富的成果 ,而对 60年代美国对华政策的探讨还远远不够深入。美国学者对这一段外交史的研究带有较大的缺陷 ,其主流观点也经历了三次偏摆 ;相比之下中国学者的研究则相当滞后 ,零星的成果也是相当粗糙的。造成这种局面的原因有两个方面 :首先是大部分学者只关注这一时期的主要事态———越南战争 ,认为这一时期美国对华政策基本上承继了 50年代美国对华政策的遗产 ;其次很重要的一点是 ,决定 60年代美国对华政策的最重要的一部分外交档案———约翰逊政府时期的“美国外交文件集”于年前刚刚解密。本文试图依据已获得的这部分档案材料对 60年代的美国对华政策及中美关系的研究现状做一次综述性探索 ,以期抛砖引玉 ,引起同仁对这一主题的重视 ,并展开争鸣。     

中国传统工商业城市在近代的衰落

Resulted from different causes, the majority of traditional cities in modern China underwent a decline in various degrees. The causes of the decline of Suzhou, Hangzhou, and Yangzhou which have started to develop their new industry and commerce since mid-Qing Dynasty lies in such aspects as: the lose of transportation superiority in modern China; the fatal destruction caused by Taiping Revolution; the affects of the rising of Shanghai; the recession of traditional economy and slowed development of new economy; and the conservatism in thinking and ideas etc. Translated by Huang Bangfu from Xinan Minzu Daxue Xuebao 西南民族大学学报 (Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities), 2007, (4): 1–11     

Constructing National Identity: The Image of the Medieval Grand Duchy of Lithuania in Lithuanian Art from the 1920s to the 1990s

Abstract

This article provides an overview of the ways in which the image of the medieval Grand Duchy of Lithuania, intended to awaken the national pride and contribute to the building of the national identity, was constructed by artistic means in the Republic of Lithuania during the 1920s and 1930s. It contains a brief discussion on the genesis of the image of the Grand Duchy, including the selection of appropriate historical heroes and events, and the main aspects of their interpretation. The article analyses some of the most striking and influential examples of the image of medieval Lithuania, such as the celebrations of the 500th anniversary of the death of Grand Duke Vytautas the Great in 1930 and art works created for that purpose, the decoration of public buildings (for example, the Museum of War and the Officers’ Club in Kaunas, and Lithuania’s pavilion in the New York World Fair of 1939). It also looks briefly at the dissemination of the image of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in popular culture. The article also touches on isolated efforts by a number of intellectuals to warn of the dangers inherent in the extreme glorification of the past. The image of the medieval Grand Duchy of Lithuania, created in interwar Lithuania, was preserved during the period of Soviet occupation. After the restoration of Lithuanian independence in 1990, this image had a significant influence on the mentality and culture of Lithuanian society at the turn of the millennium. In this respect the situation in Lithuania could be treated as a case study, for a similar relation to the past can be encountered in other European post-Communist countries faced with the problem of creating a new identity.     

20世纪五六十年代的东南亚华侨问题与美国对华遏制政策

中国革命的胜利以及中美对抗格局的形成,使原已存在的东南亚华侨问题更加复杂。美国旋即从遏制中国的角度介入该问题,并制定了详尽的政策。例如,鼓励台湾当局争取华侨支持;排斥中国在华侨教育中的影响;鼓吹“中国威胁论”,破坏中国与东南亚国家的关系;充分发挥香港在华侨政策中的独特作用;等等。1960年,美国又根据形势发展,调整了它对东南亚华侨的政策。但是,不管美国的政策如何变化,其遏制中国的基本目标却始终如一。