肯尼迪政府的"限蒋出笼"政策(1961～1963)

20世纪60年代肯尼迪上台后,一改此前美国的"放蒋出笼"政策,反对蒋介石的"反攻大陆"要求.肯尼迪政府阻拦蒋介石"反攻大陆"是因应当时美国对华政策的需要,国际局势的发展已使美国政府认识到,新中国政权是稳固的,无法以外力推翻.在策划"限蒋出笼"政策的过程中,肯尼迪政府就如何应付蒋介石的对策问题曾进行过激烈的辩论,从最初的模糊政策到最后向蒋介石摊牌,政策的出台经历了一个复杂的决策过程.     

Towards the Baghdad Pact: South Asia and Middle East Defence in the Gold War, 19477ndash;1955

This article illustrates US policy on European integration and the European Economic Community (EEC) by focusing on the General Agreement on Tarriff and Trade (GATT) Kennedy Round negotiations (1963–7). However underestimated in the history of international relations, GATT provides in fact an outstanding framework for analysing the foreign policy of its members. Whilst analyses of the Round per se already exist, no scholar thus far has focused on US policy towards European integration. Moreover, no previous author has utilised the European archives and has examined the stances of the EEC. This article shows that US support for European integration, which both Kennedy and Johnson followed at the behest of the ‘Europeanists’ in their respective administrations, conditioned the bargaining position of the United States in Geneva. The US negotiators tried to enhance US trade interests while at the same time attempting to encourage European regional integration. In so doing, the United States played a role in the strengthening of European regional integration by favouring the unity of the area. Moreover, contrary to previous accounts, this article shows that US negotiators were able to direct and move forward a complicated negotiation, showing Washington's leadership. The article concludes by showing that the Kennedy Round ended a period of about twenty years during which the United States acted to promote the unity of Western Europe. At the end of the 1960s, with the worsening of the US economic conditions, the tension in transatlantic relations over monetary and security issues, and the strength that the EEC demonstrated during the Kennedy Round, ‘the Europeanists’ were no longer able to prevail with their line in the internal discussions. This change became apparent when the Nixon administration shifted to a more detached and ambiguous policy towards European integration.     

和平队的历史文化渊源

和平队创建于20世纪60年代肯尼迪政府时期,它是作为一个对外志愿援助机构的面目出现的.之所以在美国出现这样一个援外志愿者组织,除了肯尼迪政府对美国对外政策的调整的现实考虑,更主要是美国具有和平队所提倡的历史文化传统,如美国社会广泛存在的志愿者精神、美国历史上形成的边疆传统和拓荒者精神以及往届政府的政策实践等.     

Exclusionary Empire: English Liberty Overseas 1600–1900

This article traces British policy discussions over their position in Latin America between 1959 and 1963. In particular, it looks at the way British officials interacted with the John F. Kennedy administration's flagship Alliance for Progress and examines the reasons behind the gradual support for a more engaged UK policy toward the area. This decision, it argues, came about due to a complex set of reasons that challenge the idea that the Anglo-American relationship determined British policy during the cold war. Both the cold war and Anglo-American relations were important in shaping British thinking, but so, too, were calculations over British economic interests. Indeed, as the article demonstrates, it was the interplay of these three elements that shaped British deliberations.     

肯尼迪政府调节国际收支逆差的政策

肯尼迪在美国面临巨额国际收支逆差的背景下入主白宫。严重的逆差导致美国的黄金大量外流,引起西方世界对美元信用的置疑。因此,调节逆差成为肯尼迪政府的重要使命。肯尼迪政府调节逆差的政策主要体现在肯尼迪提交给国会的两份特别咨文中,即1961年2月6日的“黄金和国际收支逆差特别咨文”和1963年7月18日的“国际收支特别咨文”。以两份咨文为蓝本,有关部门展开了系列的开源节流行动。美国的逆差调节行动使美国政府内部和北约盟国间的斗争起伏跌宕,充分暴露出权力政治的实质。     

Power Plus Persuasion: The Anatomy of Kennedy’s Housing Order

We examine the influence of various political actors on the substance and timing of presidential orders. Specifically, we analyze President John F. Kennedy’s decision to issue E. O. 11063, which directed the federal bureaucracy to eliminate discrimination in the sale or lease of residential property overseen by the federal government. We show that this order did not result solely from Kennedy’s policy preferences; rather, it was a product of persuasion by several political actors who coaxed Kennedy to act. This reinforces previous findings that the president’s power of the pen is often conditioned by the informal political costs of unilateral executive action.     

Kennedy's international legacy,fifty years on

This article explores historical assessments of the foreign policy of President John F. Kennedy, who was assassinated fifty years ago. It traces the evolution of JFK historiography from the uncritical so‐called ‘Camelot’ school to harsh revisionist critiques in the 1980s and 1990s, and on to the current ‘third wave’ of scholarship. The article focuses in particular on new work concerning JFK's handling of the Berlin and Cuba superpower crises, his role in expanding the United States’ involvement in Vietnam (and whether blame for this war can be assigned to him) and larger questions about his approach to the danger of nuclear holocaust and the possibility of defusing Cold War tensions. The conclusion to the article examines his various peace‐seeking initiatives in the months following the Cuban Missile Crisis, and suggests that Kennedy may have been turning towards a more critical view of American Cold War politics when he was killed in Dallas in November 1963.     

Fabio Luca Cavazza,the New Frontier and the opening to the left in Italy

This article focuses on the key role played by Fabio Luca Cavazza, founder of the publishing house Il Mulino, in the development of cultural relations between the US and Italy in the early Cold War by drawing on Cavazza’s personal papers, an as yet unexplored archival source. The Department of State and the Eisenhower administration opposed a government that included the Socialists. However, thanks to the special relationship he had with the ‘New Frontier’s men’, in particular Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Cavazza was able to revive the issue, showing how it was in line with Kennedy’s New Frontier policy.     

日本池田内阁“一中一台”政策的出笼和破产

为解决经济高速增长导致的市场压力和国内政治稳定及安全保障等问题,20世纪60年代初日本池田勇人内阁组成后,以美国肯尼迪政权调整对华政策为契机,拟定了在使台湾分离于中国主权之外的同时和大陆发展政治关系以至复交的一中一台政策。但因美国的反对和阻挠,池田内阁以特殊方式施行该政策的尝试无果而终。     

Growing up Kennedy: the role of medical ailments in the life of JFK, 1920-1957

As a result of the opening of new materials at the John F Kennedy Library relating to John F Kennedy's medical problems, we have a better understanding of the specific nature of those ailments, how they were treated, and how he responded to them. Most important, this study focuses on how his medical problems affected his relationship with his parents, especially his father, in the context of an older sibling who personified what a Kennedy should be: bright, athletic, and healthy. John Kennedy's response to family expectations produced a sometimes rebellious and detached youth who learned to rely on his charm, wit, intellect, and inner toughness to overcome adversity. In the process of dealing with serious medical issues into adulthood, John Kennedy revealed both courage and fortitude-traits that would eventually carry him to the White House.     

肯尼迪政府与蒋介石“反攻大陆”

在冷战背景下,肯尼迪政府对蒋介石"反攻大陆"行动采取模糊政策,始终把危机限制在可控制的范围内,保持海峡形势适度紧张;既使台湾始终依附于美国,又保持了对大陆的持续压力,同时也避免了卷入与苏联或中国的直接冲突。后来由于国际国内形势变化,美国政府逐步转向反对蒋介石"反攻大陆"的立场,蒋介石也不得不实际上修改了自己的政策。     

美国迫使台湾当局从华南边境和沿海岛屿撤兵问题研究

肯尼迪政府时期的美国对华政策已经开始孕育着一些变革。其政府内部先后讨论过一些调整方案,但在国际国内各种复杂因素的制约下没有取得重大突破,其中台湾当局不断施加的干扰和阻碍是一个重要原因。在此时期,美国曾迫使台湾当局从缅泰老“金三角”地区撤军,并试图透迫蒋介石从金门、马祖等沿海岛屿撤防,双方施压与抗压、牵制与反牵制的互动关系十分明显。尽管美国政策设计者们已经认识到美国对华政策必须服务于美国和整个“自由世界”的广泛利益而非台北政权一家的利益,但实际上还是难以摆脱台湾当局的牵制。另外,更重要的阻力来自于美国国内政治的掣肘,而其政策调整的幅度局限于“两个中国”之类的方案,也是根本行不通的。     

Global Horizons: Mexico,the Third World,and the Non-Aligned Movement at the Time of the 1961 Belgrade Conference

This paper analyses the autonomous streak that marked Mexico's foreign policy during the presidency of Adolfo López Mateos (1958–64). Throughout this period, Mexico showed reluctance to participate fully in the flagship Kennedy programme for Latin America, the Alliance for Progress. At the same time, the López Mateos government adopted a position of defence for Cuba's right to self-determination in spite of Washington's attempts to eradicate the Cuban Revolution from the Western Hemisphere. During López Mateos's term, Mexico tried for the first time in its history to elaborate a foreign policy with broader international outreach, an effort highlighted by the Mexican presidential trips to Latin America and Asia as well as other countries that belonged to the Non-Aligned Movement. While historiography has explored Mexico's attitude towards the Alliance for Progress and, more consistently, the country's Cuban policy, much less attention has been dedicated to López Mateos's engagement with the Non-Aligned Movement. Focusing on Mexico's failed participation at the First Conference of Heads of State of Non-Aligned Countries celebrated in Belgrade in 1961, this article aims to fill this research gap. Indeed, even if Mexico did not ultimately participate in the conference, Mexican diplomacy did show great interest in the gathering. For a country that had formally sided with the United States after the beginning of the cold war, Mexico's flirtation with the Non-Aligned Movement represented a detour from the diplomatic path it had adopted at the end of the Second World War. This work argues that Mexico's engagement with the Non-Aligned Movement presents a different dimension of the country's international strategy during the 1960s, reflecting Mexico's desire to loosen the bipolar constraints that limited its economic development and increase its leverage with Washington.     

"特种战争"与中国"援越抗美"的初步酝酿

为了遏制共产主义在东南亚的扩张,维护美国的全球霸权,1961年5月,美国总统肯尼迪公然发动了对越南的“特种战争”。面对美国在“南大门”的战争挑衅,中国政府从无产阶级的国际主义和维护越南独立和统一的立场出发,在政治、经济、外交和军事等方面积极支持越南人民的抗美爱国斗争,并应越南党和政府的请求,开始了“援越抗美”的初步酝酿,最终确立了“美国走一步,中国走一步;美国出兵,中国也出兵”的基本原则和立场。     

试论布什政府对华政策的调整

美国布什政府对华政策的调整是冷战结束期间美国对外战略调整的一个重要方面.布什当政的四年是美国政府对华政策调整的四年,这一调整过程大致经历了四个阶段.在调整中布什政府对华政策的演变呈现出六大特点一是过程前起后伏;二是目标为演变和遏制中国;三是出发点着眼于长期性和全面性;四是政策的矛盾性;五是突出了人权政策;六是表现出政治问题经济化和经济问题政治化.导致布什政府调整对华政策的直接原因是“六·四”风波,但是,冷战的结束及因此而造成的美国战略利益的转变,才是布什政府改变对华政策的根本动因.     

JFK, Democracy, and U.S. Security Policy in the Americas

Book reviewed in this article:
Stephen G. Rabe, The Most Dangerous Area in the World: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America     

Latinos and Environmental Justice: Examining the Link between Degenerative Policy,Political Representation,and Environmental Policy Implementation

The theory of social construction and policy design is insightful for exploring the circumstances in which the allocation of policy benefits and burdens is attributed to the feed‐forward effect of degenerative policy that institutionalizes bias and reinforces the prevailing categorization and embedded social meaning regarding target populations. However, this theoretical framework has not been broadly adopted to analyze the environment‐related phenomena. With a nationwide, block‐group‐level sample, this study examines the extent to which degenerative policies pertaining to immigrants influence state agencies' environmental regulatory outputs for predominantly Latino communities. Results show that in the states with moderately to most restrictive immigrant policy and high levels of Latino representation in legislatures, the rigorousness of government agencies' compliance monitoring activities decreases for Latino neighborhoods of environmental justice concern, as states' policy stance toward immigrants becomes more unfavorable. More Latino elected officials do not bolster policy implementation efforts for the vulnerable communities or offset the backlash effect of immigrant policy.     

Pivoting toward Asia: Comparing the Canadian and American Policy Shifts

Both Canada and the United States have “pivoted” toward Asia in their foreign policy over the past decade, although emphases in those pivots differed between the two countries. The former focuses on an economic pivot initially, the latter on a security one. What factors explain these shifts? What was the magnitude of policy change by both? Utilizing some important theoretical works by Charles Hermann, we discuss the factors that appear to have brought about this policy change toward Asia, outline the actions and activities that both countries have initiated toward Asia in the past decade to illustrate the type and magnitude of policy change that has occurred, and compare some areas of political, economic, and military similarities between Canada and the United States toward this region. Finally, we assess the likely future of these pivots to Asia in light of the change in political leadership within both nations.     

Anglo-American Relations and a Dilemma of Diplomatic Recognition: Royalists,Republicans and Crisis in the Yemen, 1962–1963

Abstract

This article investigates Anglo-American handling of their bilateral relations regarding whether to extend diplomatic recognition to the Yemen Arab Republic following a coup in 1962. Hitherto this issue has been cast largely within a narrative of relative British decline and/or deepening malaise in the special relationship. This article develops two principal counterarguments. First, the British viewed the crisis as a challenge to their intent to stay in, not retreat from, the Persian Gulf – which the Americans welcomed. Second, the special relationship worked relatively effectively. London and Washington made policy concessions in the interests of their cooperation in Yemen and the wider southern Arabian Peninsula. Bilateral policy friction was largely contained and negotiated within lower echelons of the British and American governments; Kennedy and Macmillan managed their exchanges amicably throughout.     

New Scholarship on the Cuban Missile Crisis

Books reviewed in this article:
Jutta Weldes, Constructing National Interests: The United States and the Cuban Missile Crisis
Philip Nash, The Other Missiles of October: Eisenhower, Kennedy, and the Jupiters, 1957–1963
Aleksandr Fursenko and Timothy Naftali, "One Hell of a Gamble": Khrushchev, Castro, and Kennedy, 1958–1964