20世纪80年代中国经济的发展历程和陈云的经济指导思想

长期以来,在我国的社会主义经济建设中一直存在着盲目追求高速度的问题。20世纪80年代的发展也是这样,经历了调整、高涨、再调整的过程。陈云在这十年中一直强调建设社会主义强国首先要把“实事”搞清楚,从长期看国民经济能做到按比例发展就是最快的速度,该调整的时候就要退够,等等。实践证明他对国民经济的发展所提出的这些基本原则是完全正确的,至今仍具有重要的指导意义。     

联邦德国社会史学派与文化史学派的争议--20世纪末联邦德国史学流派争议

20世纪末,联邦德国历史科学发生了重大变化。已经取得重大成就的社会史学派在与传统历史主义学派继续竞争的同时,又迎来了一系列新史学流派的挑战。本篇介绍的是社会史学派与文化史学派之间的争论。联邦德国文化史学派既是西方文化史学派的支流,也是本国社会史学派以及大学体制发展变化的结果。文化史学派与社会史学派的争议围绕“社会”与“文化”两个核心史学概念展开。文化史学派的挑战在年轻社会史学家中引起了很大的反响。目前,两大学派的竞争仍在继续,预言谁胜谁负,还为时过早。     

The Henry Tax Review,Cartel Parties and the Reform Capacity of the Australian State

The Henry Tax Review is a work in progress, but it has already advanced sufficiently to constitute an important case study of state capacity in Australia. Using the Henry Tax Review as a case study, this paper sheds light on the question of whether the national political system is capable of devising and implementing long-term reforms. Whilst specific policy failures inevitably have a contingent dimension in the form of poor strategy and leadership or unfavourable economic conditions, the paper discusses the erosion of institutional and relational structures which, arguably, has diminished systemic political capacity. This is tantamount to a structural weakening of state capacity in Australia, a development which has the potential to erode the potential of any government to enact significant strategic policy change.     

“财政-军事国家”论在西方学界的发展与演变北大核心CSSCI

近代早期欧洲国家形成与军事活动之间的关系是西方学界关注的热点问题。美国学者约翰·布鲁尔提出“财政-军事国家”概念,强调行政机构扩大、财政税收增加与军事力量膨胀三者之间的关系。这一概念一经提出,很快成为分析近代欧洲国家形成与军事活动的重要框架,但它本身也存在一定的缺陷,例如,夸大了近代早期国家的能力、忽视了对财政资源的使用状况。近年来,一些西方学者试图对“财政-军事国家”概念进行补充与修正。“承包人国家”概念挑战了“公共”与“私人”的二元对立,着眼于国家将部分战争工作承包给私人,强调了私人部门在近代早期欧洲军事活动中的关键作用。“财政-军事体系”则采取了跨国的视角,关注国家、次级主权政治体和私人之间在军事活动中的互动,通过一系列“财政-军事中心”交易战争所需的人力、资金、物资、专家、服务和情报,从而勾勒出一个遍及欧洲的战争资源网络。这些研究极大地拓展了近代欧洲军事史和国家形成的视野与思路。     

Knowledge Networks as a Regional Development Resource: A Network Analysis of the Interlinks between Scientific Institutions and Regional Firms in the Metropolitan region of Hanover,Germany

The debate on regional innovation potentials has concentrated in recent times upon the topic of regional knowledge networking. This article presents the findings of the first phase of a detailed network analysis of the cooperation relations between scientific institutions and firms in the “metropolitan region Hanover-Brunswick-Göttingen”. The research concentrated on the regional and supra-regional cooperation relations of approximately 500 science establishments of the region, including their interlinks with private sector firms. This analysis of a polycentric metropolitan region's knowledge networks in different fields of competence produced detailed information on the density of knowledge interlinking within the region, on the degree of connectivity between the region's scientific institutions and private sector firms, and on central network nodes within the regional innovation networks. The case study exemplifies the methodical approach of a regional network analysis and emphasizes the role of knowledge networks as a development resource which is of particular relevance to the region's innovation capacities.     

闽台财政改革与各方权力纠葛--雍正朝台湾县知县周钟蠧案解析

雍正三年,台湾县知县周钟蠧被控贪污,由于牵涉到闽台财政改革的大背景,此案引起了雍正皇帝的高度关注,并演变为震动闽台官场的一桩大案,涉案人等都被卷入了皇权与地方官员博弈的大漩涡。案件的审理过程,伴随着闽台财政改革的全过程,从清查仓谷亏空,到耗羡归公和养廉银制度化的最终完成。透过考察周钟蠧案,闽台地区财政改革的过程得以完整呈现。在皇权的强势施压下,闽省官员提出的耗羡归公方案显得仓促而草率。     

重新认识二战前夕苏德关系的发展

1990年，苏联出版《危机的年代，1938—1939，文件与资料汇编》，首次公开了二战前夕苏联对德国交往中的一些重要文件。美国学者罗伯茨据此重新研究了二战前夕的苏德关系，指出在导致《苏德互不侵犯条约》结局的苏德关系的发展中，德国是主动的一方；苏联对英法苏莫斯科谈判并非一开始就脚踏两只船；《苏德条约》中的秘密议定书并非是苏德瓜分波兰。这些观点，与西方传统的观点存在明显差异，本文对两点进行一些比较与分析。     

战国都城形态的东西差别

东周列国都城形态的演化经历了东西两条道路:东方国家都城在战国时期普遍发展成为“两城制”,体现了“朝、市并重”的格局;秦国都城则保持了“非城郭制”的特点,其大部分面积分布着宫殿区,朝寝有压倒庙、市的趋势。两汉都城形态是秦国“非城郭制”道路的延续和发展。     

中国与国联技术合作之经过与基本原则

本件史料辑自馆藏国史馆档案,反映了国民政府成立前后中国与国联技术合作之概况,与本刊2003年第2期刊发的吴秀峰编著之《中国与国联技术合作之经过》史料相比,成文机构、具体内容不尽相同,当有互补作用。现予刊出以供参考。     

Limits to Democratic Development in Civil Society and the State: The Case of Santo Domingo

Some scholars see civil society as key to democratization of the political system. In this view, pressure from civil society forces democratization of the state. However, this disregards the fact that changes in civil society's behaviour require changes in political society — changes are reciprocal. The demand–making strategies of grassroots organizations in the Dominican Republic in 1999 provide a good example of this dynamic: the incomplete nature of the democratic transition (specifically, the persistence of paternalism and clientelism) constrained the democratic strategy choices of the civil society organizations. Just as democratization within political society is inconsistent and incomplete, so will be the demand–making strategies of the grassroots towards the state. The Dominican case is of particular interest as it illustrates the blend of personalized and institutionalized elements characteristic of democratic transition.     

古代国家秩序与社会秩序的一般关系--以中国历史为中心的探讨

国家秩序是国体与政体的合一。国体反映了社会各阶级在国家中的地位;政体反映了国家政权的组织形式。二者的合一构成了国家秩序的具体形态。社会秩序有广义和狭义之分,广义的社会秩序包括了社会各阶级、阶层在内的各种社会群体的组织形式;狭义的社会秩序则是指由血缘、地域、经济、宗教、文化等因素构成的特殊社会群体组织形式。社会秩序与国家秩序之间的关系是复杂的,社会秩序既是国家秩序形成与发展的重要基础,也可能构成不依赖于国家行政组织而独立存在于社会之中的一种民间秩序。本文即从广义和狭义的角度,并以中国古代历史发展为线索来简要探讨国家与社会的一般关系。     

蒙古统治罗斯后期政教关系的变化

蒙古统治罗斯后期,面对莫斯科公国的日益强大和金帐汗国的渐趋衰微,东正教会与蒙古统治者的联盟土崩瓦解,教会转而支持莫斯科公国,教俗联合吞并各公国,储备建立统一国家的实力,并最终推翻蒙古统治。政教联合促进了俄罗斯统一国家的形成和民族文化的发展,同时有助于莫斯科公国和教会国际地位的提升。     

The State as Naive Entrepreneur: The Political Economy of Export Promotion in Brazil and Tunisia

Export-promotion strategies based on the success of the East Asian newly industrializing countries have been proffered in the 1990s to middle-income countries in Latin America. Africa, and Asia. This article argues that far from untried, export-promotion policies were attempted in Brazil and Tunisia in the 1960s and 1970s, with only limited long-term success. The problem of export promotion in these two countries are attributed to the lack of strategic export policies, the political costs of changing policy in a more effective direction, and the reliance on a few products and markets.     

The Relevance of the 'Irrelevant': Football as a Missing Dimension in the Study of British Relations with Germany

This article has been developed and updated from a paper delivered at the Grossbritannien-Zentrum, Humboldt University at Berlin, June 2000. Traditionally, sport has been marginalized, even treated as an irrelevance, in the study of International Relations (IR). The 2002 World Cup Finals raised yet again questions about the realism of continuing to write sport out of IR, and particularly to ignore its impact upon such relationships as those between Britain and Germany. Football's role in mirroring, influencing and articulating British perceptions of Germany, at least at the popular and media level, is presented as a case-study, since the football field proved another important British_German battleground throughout the twentieth century. This trend continues. Already, three high profile football internationals played during 2000–1 as well as rivalry to host the 2006 World Cup tournament have illuminated the problematic state of the British-German relationship, particularly the fact that history, most notably world war imagery, imparts en enduring extra-sporting sub-text for any England-Germany footballing encounter.     

State Collapse as Business: The Role of Conflict Trade and the Emerging Control Agenda

This article examines the role played by conflict trade in the process of state collapse. Conflict trade is defined here as the trade in non–military goods such as diamonds, timber and drugs that finances war. Such trade includes both the export and import of goods to a war zone as well as extra–territorial trade undertaken by supporters of a warring faction. It is argued that the decline of superpower military aid coupled with the broader effects of centre–periphery exploitation mediated through a neo–liberal and western imposed version of globalization has meant such trade has a particular salience both in contemporary conflict and the process of state collapse. Equally, though, the reliance of warring factions on conflict trade means they are also susceptible to changes in the market for their goods, creating a vulnerability that can (and to some extent has been) exploited to promote peace. The emerging control agenda on conflict trade is currently characterized by a number of problems — most notably, the risk that the control of conflict trade might become a substitute for action on arms exports; that international action has largely been undertaken within an inappropriate statist paradigm; that control has sometimes taken second place to economic or strategic interests and that policy has become hostage to a ‘drugs and thugs’ agenda which risks undermining its effectiveness.