1937—1948年间上海城市民间信仰传播和分异研究

抗战爆发以后,受战争破坏严重省份的移民进入上海,并将其籍贯地的民间信仰带进上海,从而促使新的民间信仰种类向上海城市的传播。同时,由于"孤岛时期"上海租界相对安全的社会环境和租界当局对民间祠庙在经济上的资助,上海城市内部民间信仰的空间分布得以改变,开始向租界内聚集。并在此基础上,其空间布局受到移民分布的影响。     

日伪对上海新闻界的屠杀

上海在民国时期集中了大量的中外报刊、广播电台与通讯社,在国内外都有重要的影响。日军占领上海后,非常注意控制报刊舆论。当时上海的许多新闻机构都设在英、法租界,日军一时不能进入这里,就胁迫英、法租界当局取缔抗日言论与宣传。1937年11月13日,淞沪抗战刚刚结束,租界当局就发表谈话,警告凡在租界的华文报纸立论要更加慎重,不准有“日寇、汉奸”等字样在报上出现,也不准报纸报道抗战与惩处汉奸的消息。1937年12月13日南京陷落的当天,租界当局便同意日方在南京路的哈同     

近代上海半殖民地市政与城市公共空间之演进——以剧场建筑问题为个案

自晚清以来,上海公共租界工部局不断尝试推动华人剧场的建筑变革,但其管理力度长期受三界并立的市政格局制约,实效不彰。20世纪初,华界精英为振兴市面、遏制租界扩张,主导创建第一座新式华人剧场,开启本地剧场建筑的现代转型。南京国民政府时期,面对公共租界的合法性危机和华界市政的迅速进步,工部局采取强硬态度处理华人剧场建筑问题,以避免可能冲击自身半殖民统治的重大安全事故。华人剧场建筑问题作为一则个案,折射出近代上海半殖民地市政体制下城市公共空间演进过程中多元错综的利益折冲和政治博弈。     

民国初年的汉口重建借款计划

劫后汉口亟待重建但经费匮乏 1911年10月,辛亥革命爆发,汉口这个号称“东方芝加哥”的繁华之地,由此变成了民军与清军激烈争夺的一个主战地。当时,租界被划出战区之外,虽然受到战争的波及．但所受损失很小;华界则因是交战区而损毁严重。为了击败民军,也为了报复汉口商界对民军的支持,清军竟然不惜摧毁华界市区,下令分三路——分别由水电公司后街、四官殿、玉带门纵火焚烧华界市街。一时间,鳞次栉比的居屋店铺．争雄斗胜的会馆、公所等等,陷人了宽达1．5公里的火海。     

阶级启蒙：论中国共产党上海早期组织对工人的政治动员及影响(1920—1921)

中国共产党上海早期组织通过安排早期党员入厂做工,先后成立了机器工会等拥有群众基础的阶级工会。同时,出版直接面向工人的《劳动界》等通俗读物,创办工人业余补习学校,对工人进行宣传教育;领导工人集会,声援工人罢工,以此反抗资本家的经济剥削和政治压迫。中国共产党上海早期组织通过对工人的政治动员,使工人的劳动知识和阶级觉悟有所提高,为中国共产党的正式成立积累了一定群众基础和思想基础,营造了比较有利的社会环境。由于自身力量弱小,组织涣散,经验缺乏,且面临租界、华界和传统势力的多方压制,中国共产党上海早期组织对工人的动员更多停留在有限的组织建设和宣传教育层面上,并没有真正领导工人开展罢工实践,尚处于阶级启蒙阶段。     

上海霍乱

1937年11月14日,因为淞沪会战,大量中国难民涌入上海公共租界以寻求保护,这让租界巡捕忙于应付。战火破坏了华界的基础设施,从而加剧了1938年霍乱的流行。     

1940年上海法租界电车公共汽车工人罢工事件处理报告

1940年9月,上海法租界电车、公共汽车工人大罢工爆发后,汪伪政权令饬上海市社会运动指导委员会对劳资双方进行调解斡旋。本件史料记叙了此次罢工的起因、经过、汪伪上海社会运功指导委员会居中调解的始末,并从侧面反映了汪伪政权与法租界当局的微妙关系。     

中外抗衡与近代上海城市周边铁路路线的形成

铁路对城市发展一般都具有较为明显的促进作用,但淞沪、沪宁、沪杭甬铁路的上海城市周边路线是在近代中西双方围绕租界扩张的抗衡中形成的,很少出于工商业和港口发展的内生需求,因此难以和分布在租界地区的港口、航道以及大型工业区取得充分联络。这是导致近代长江三角洲地区铁路运输效能徘徊不前和上海城市空间拓展受阻的一项重要因素。     

战时上海的财产犯罪:失业、通货膨胀与饥饿(1937—1942)

淞沪抗战的爆发以及日军随后对上海的围困与占领,给这座城市的权力结构与经济发展带来了结构性变化。作为社会生活重要组成部分的城市犯罪,也因战争的爆发受到显著影响。本文以上海公共租界、法租界年度《警务报告》为基础,通过量化的方式,对战时上海城市犯罪的历史变迁展开考察,并检讨诱发犯罪的主要动因。研究显示,这一时期的犯罪活动在总量上出现显著增加,但这种数量变化在时间与空间上存在很大差异。从数量上看,财产犯罪构成了这一时期城市犯罪的最主要形式。随着日军在华中地区实施物资统制政策,上海经济迅速陷入困境,失业、通货膨胀及食物短缺相继爆发。以上三大危机构成了战时上海城市犯罪,尤其是财产犯罪显著增加的最主要因素。     

抗战前期上海本埠贸易初探

太平洋战争爆发以前,托庇于上海两租界特殊的政治、经济环境,上海本埠贸易在经历短暂萧条后得以迅速恢复和发展,并呈现出了市面供不应求、物价上涨、贸易管制加强、外货充斥、投机盛行等特征,体现了战争环境下的一种非正常发展。     

Venereal Disease Prevention,Moral Welfare and Civilized Image: The Shanghai Moral Welfare Committee and the Anti-Prostitution Campaign in the Shanghai International Settlement, 1918–24

This paper focuses on the Shanghai Moral Welfare Committee (renamed the Shanghai Moral Welfare League in 1920), which was founded on May 16, 1918, following a decision made by seventeen foreign religious and secular charities of the Shanghai International Settlement. In 1919–24, the Municipal Council of the Shanghai International Settlement declared a five-year timeframe for gradually shutting down all the brothels under its administration. The few previous studies of this topic by European and American scholars mainly concentrated on the aspect of venereal disease prevention and the prohibition of prostitution, as well as the construction of gender, but they paid little attention to the Moral Welfare Committee as a primary advocate of this reform. As such, this event has been misrepresented as yet another story about the modernization and spiritual salvation of Chinese society by Western municipal authorities and moral reformers. However, the Committee, created by foreign moral reformers in Shanghai, was primarily focused on white males with venereal diseases and white prostitutes, in order to reestablish an image of the Western Christian countries as civilized in Chinese eyes. Underlying this effort was a strong sense—among foreign communities in China at that time—of superiority over Chinese society in both civilization and morality. However, this arrogance was rife with insecurities; foreign reformers lacked necessary confidence in their civilized image and in their capacity to set themselves up as a model for the moral discipline and salvation of the Chinese people.     

Venereal disease prevention, Moral Welfare and civilized image: The Shanghai Moral Welfare Committee and the anti-prostitution campaign in the Shanghai International Settlement, 1918�C24

This paper focuses on the Shanghai Moral Welfare Committee (renamed the Shanghai Moral Welfare League in 1920), which was founded on May 16, 1918, following a decision made by seventeen foreign religious and secular charities of the Shanghai International Settlement. In 1919–24, the Municipal Council of the Shanghai International Settlement declared a five-year timeframe for gradually shutting down all the brothels under its administration. The few previous studies of this topic by European and American scholars mainly concentrated on the aspect of venereal disease prevention and the prohibition of prostitution, as well as the construction of gender, but they paid little attention to the Moral Welfare Committee as a primary advocate of this reform. As such, this event has been misrepresented as yet another story about the modernization and spiritual salvation of Chinese society by Western municipal authorities and moral reformers. However, the Committee, created by foreign moral reformers in Shanghai, was primarily focused on white males with venereal diseases and white prostitutes, in order to reestablish an image of the Western Christian countries as civilized in Chinese eyes. Underlying this effort was a strong sense—among foreign communities in China at that time—of superiority over Chinese society in both civilization and morality. However, this arrogance was rife with insecurities; foreign reformers lacked necessary confidence in their civilized image and in their capacity to set themselves up as a model for the moral discipline and salvation of the Chinese people.     

Political Decoupling: Private Implementation of Public Policy

Where policy goals can be achieved through regulation of private firms, private provision of public services allows governments to separate public policies from their political costs by shifting those costs to the private sector. Over the past three decades, financial decoupling has emerged as a regulatory strategy for promoting conservation, especially in the energy sector. Decoupling refers to the separation of a firm’s revenues from the volume of its product consumed, which allows companies to pursue resource efficiency free from financial risk. Similarly, when private firms provide public services, they separate public policies from their political costs. This political decoupling allows governments to pursue controversial policies while avoiding their attendant political risks. Applied to environmental policy, this theory implies that potentially unpopular conservation policies are more likely to be adopted and succeed when implemented through private firms. As an initial test of the theory, we analyze California water utilities and their responses to that state’s drought from 2015–2017. Analysis shows that, compared with those served by local government utilities, private utilities adopted more aggressive conservation measures, were more likely to meet state conservation standards, and conserved more water.     

传统城市空间的近代转型:以上海县城为例(1905-1914)

学界对于传统中国城市空间近代转型相对缺乏关注。通过对上海县城的研究发现,在人口压力增加、城市用地紧张、环境恶化及租界示范效应的多重作用下,明清治所城市空间结构不再适用于20世纪初的上海县城,城市空间亟待改造。上海县城市政机构的设立为解决这一需求提供了制度保障与财力支持,故县城得以开展前所未有的大规模建设,包括道路、排水、桥梁、码头、义冢迁移、公地改造、市容清理等,以不同以往的空间结构重塑了上海县城。这种因人地关系紧张带来的适应性改善不限于上海一地,而具有普遍性的意义。     

幕末与明治时期日本人的上海认识——从高杉晋作的《游清五录》到远山景直的《上海》

对于幕末与明治时期的日本人而言,上海首先是中国的上海;同时上海也是世界、尤其是西洋的上海,租界区域出现了与此前的中国本土迥然相异的新的样态;再次是与日本紧密相关的上海,19世纪末期以后,在虹口一带形成了以日本居留民为主体的日本人社会。这样一个多元组合、多重叠加、既相对分离又互相交融、同时其经济政治文化的影响力日益凸显的都市,对于正在走向东亚乃至世界舞台的近代日本而言,无疑是一个巨大的存在,因此,这一时期日本人对于上海的认识,首先是对于以上海为媒介的中国的认识,其次是对于与上海相关的世界的认识,同时也是对于通过上海所体现出来的中日关系的认识因此,近代上海对于这一时期的日本人,实际上具有三层意义：观察中国的现场;透视世界的窗口;反观日本本身的泰照系,     

Voluntary Environmental Programs in the Public Sector: Evaluating an Urban Water Conservation Program in California

Solving conflictual environmental policy problems is increasingly falling under the purview of local governments and public agencies. Nonregulatory approaches, such as the development of voluntary environmental programs (VEPs), could offer a useful policy alternative as they often have greater political traction and flexibility. However, there has been little work examining the use of VEPs in the public sector. This article uses a new dataset from California to examine how political institutions affect decisions by local governments and public agencies to participate in a voluntary urban water conservation program and whether this program has improved the water conservation performance of its members. The results show that special district governments, private utilities, and water suppliers dependent on purchased water are more likely to participate in the program and to join early. However, urban water agencies that have joined the program have not reduced their per capita water use more than those that have not. These results underscore the influence of political institutions in public‐sector decision making and demonstrate that, as in the private sector, commitment to a VEP by local government and public agencies does not guarantee implementation or environmental improvements. While voluntary programs offer political and administrative advantages, in order for VEPs in the public sector to be effective they must be accompanied and supported by credible enforcement mechanisms, performance standards, and rigorous monitoring programs.     

The Ambiguities of an Imperial Institution: Crisis and Transition in the Chinese Maritime Customs, 1899–1911

In the tumultuous years after the Sino-Japanese war the Maritime Customs Service reeled from one crisis to another, threatened by growing competition among the foreign powers to extract concessions and by the brutal Boxer war. Chinese political elites increasingly viewed the Customs with suspicion and sought to limit its influence. Meanwhile, the service suffered from deep internal dissention. Ageing Inspector General Sir Robert Hart – much celebrated in public – was criticised privately for his autocratic style and unwillingness to make reforms. Frustrated senior Customs officers lobbied for support in London. The Foreign Office viewed maintaining British predominance in the service as an important priority, only to see Hart undermine its efforts to establish a widely acceptable successor. While Hart always insisted that the Customs was a servant of the Chinese government, over the last decade of his career the service was increasingly alienated from its Chinese master, and became ever more an expression of imperial – particularly British – interests in China.     

Landscapes of political memories: War legacies and land negotiations in Laos

Wars and their aftermaths frequently transform land use and ownership, reshaping ‘post-conflict’ landscapes through new boundaries, population movements, land reforms and conditions of access. Within a global context of controversial land concessions and farmland acquisitions, we bring to light the continued salience of historical memories of war in the ways land conflicts are being negotiated in Laos. Considering circumstances at different scales—from bilateral government relations to village-level claims—we find that political capital linked to memories of wartime affiliations have crucial spatial and place-based connections, and that they affect the ways investors, government officials and villagers negotiate over land concessions. Ethnographic evidence, spatial analysis and a survey of expatriate development workers engaged with land issues in Laos suggest that such ‘political memories’ are an important but often overlooked factor in shaping an uneven concessions landscape. We discuss implications for foreign development organizations that tend to privilege technical and legal aspects of land management over such political dimensions.     

Slums,Squats, or Hutments? Constructing and Deconstructing an In-Between Space in Modern Shanghai (1926-65)

Hutments—a term used to designate “beggars’ villages,” “straw- house villages” or more bluntly “slums”—became a standard feature of Shanghai’s urban landscape in the early 1920s. Located in peripheral areas, they became a central object of concern by the authorities that governed the foreign settlements in the city. Over time, due to economic crisis and above all war, “hutments” slowly colonized the whole urban space and became a massive housing issue and a problematic historical legacy after 1949. This paper argues that hutments arose mostly from the turmoil of the Civil War period. Their nature changed little from the time of their appearance in the 1920s to the early 1950s. Yet, perceptions and policies over three major periods under study here varied significantly. They were strongly influenced by the discursive constructions and distorting lenses the local administrations formulated around issues of nuisance, public health, and city beautification. Each era carried over the concerns and prejudices of the previous period. Yet, each municipal institution also brought in new cultural and political postures that changed the overall discourse and treatment of hutment dwellers.     

‘Playing Cold War politics’: the cold war in Anglo-Kenyan relations in the 1960s

Kenya has rarely been considered a major Cold War battleground, becoming linked with Britain and the Western side, even whilst being publicly committed to non-alignment and African Socialism. Nonetheless, the Cold War offered opportunities for Kenya’s newly independent leaders. It was utilised in factional political debates between Tom Mboya and Oginga Odinga. In the late 1960s, leading Kenyans around President Jomo Kenyatta used Cold War rhetoric and rivalries to bargain to their advantage with the British over arms sales. British policy-makers offered concessions as they worked to build and then maintain their position as Kenya’s closest foreign partner.