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OLIVIER BOEHME 《Nations & Nationalism》2008,14(3):542-561
ABSTRACT. In this article the author makes the claim that economic nationalist ideas had their origins in the Flemish Movement before the First World War and were further developed in the interwar period. This is an important modification of the classical view that Flemish nationalism before the Second World War was mainly focused on the linguistic and cultural situation in Belgium. Central to this contribution is the view of economic nationalism as an ideology using social and economic means for nationalistic purposes, although there are variations in the degree to which economy and nationalism are tools or purpose. In any case there was not much consistency, because there were different views on what constituted the interests of the ‘Flemish nation’, and which social and economic principles should be adopted. In addition, a movement that did not show much unity could not construct a homogeneous social‐economic agenda. 相似文献
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Edwina S. Campbell 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(4):485-487
The paper relates the concept of a European political identity to the development of the European Community's foreign policy. After a brief review of the idea of political identity as it developed in Europe over the last five centuries, the paper relates this concept to that of liberal democracy. It then turns to the European Community and the growth of its foreign policy. It addresses two questions: Could the concept of political loyalty to a territorially defined identity be replaced by that of institutional loyalty to not one, but a variety of overlapping institutions? Secondly, can the development of the European Community's foreign policy contribute to the development of a European sense of identity? Two short case studies, one on Yugoslavia, and one on economic aid to Eastern Europe, illustrate recent European Community foreign policy. The paper concludes with some speculations as to the future European political system and its applicability to other parts of the world. 相似文献
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Christoph Schumann 《Nations & Nationalism》2004,10(4):599-617
Abstract. The notion of ‘civilisational mission’ (risala hadariyya) is a core concept of nationalism, particularly of Arab and Syrian nationalism. Its importance lies in the ability to bring three aspects of nationalist thought into one pattern of meaning: the projected modernisation of the nation, the nation's quest for recognition and equal participation in the international arena, and the claim to political leadership of the rising educated middle class. In the Syrian diaspora during the interwar period, the notion was additionally shaped by the refutation of the neo‐colonial aspirations of the mandate powers (mission civilisatrice) as well as by the interaction between the diaspora community and the host society. This article analyses this concept in its discursive context focusing on Dr Khalil and Antun Sa‘adeh, who were both eminent intellectuals, party founders and editors of several diasporic newspapers and magazines in Argentina and Brazil. 相似文献
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英国民族主义经由诺曼入侵后的孕育时期、清教运动的发展时期和帝国扩张的成型时期等三个阶段的发展,最终形成了第一个工业化民族的民族主义。在这一漫长的历史过程中,盎格鲁—撒克逊的部族传统与诺曼入侵者的较量,近代以来英国社会经济力量的变化,新兴阶级争取自身权益的努力,以及对外扩张获取经济利益的冲动,都对英国民族主义的形成产生了巨大的影响。 相似文献
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ARTHUR AUGHEY 《Nations & Nationalism》2010,16(3):506-524
ABSTRACT. An explicit and politically mobilised English nationalism has been remarkable because of its absence from deliberation on constitutional change in the United Kingdom. In short, it remains a mood and not a movement. This article explores the mood and explains why that mood has not become, as yet, a movement. It examines three related aspects of the English nationalist mood. First, it considers anxieties about the condition of contemporary England which can be found in the work of intellectuals and artists. Second, it identifies the sense of injustice which animates the lobby group the Campaign for an English Parliament. Finally, it looks at how mainstream party politics responds to these national anxieties and that sense of national injustice. 相似文献
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BEN WELLINGS 《Nations & Nationalism》2010,16(3):488-505
ABSTRACT. Political resistance to European integration in the UK laid important ideological foundations for contemporary English nationalism. The politics surrounding accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) was such that it signalled that accession was a matter of supreme national importance and, via the device of a referendum, it led to the fusing of parliamentary and popular sovereignty. The unfolding of the Thatcherite project in Britain added an individualistic – and eventually an anti‐European – dimension to this nascent English nationalism. Resistance to the deepening political and monetary integration of Europe, coupled with the effects of devolution in the UK, led to the emergence of a populist English nationalism, by now fundamentally shaped by opposition to European integration, albeit a nationalism that merged the defence of British and English sovereignty. Underpinning these three developments was a popular version of the past that saw ‘Europe’ as the ultimate institutional expression of British decline. Thus Euroscepeticism generated the ideology of contemporary English nationalism by legitimising the defence of parliamentary sovereignty through the invocation of popular sovereignty underpinned by reference to the past. 相似文献
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反法西斯的第二次世界大战是人类历史上最伟大的事件之一,是一场改变世界的正义的解放战争,是20世纪世界历史的转折点。中国是反法西斯四大国之一,中国抗日战场是世界上开辟最早、持续时间最长的反法西斯战场,是世界四大反法西斯战场之一,不仅为世界反法西斯战争的胜利做出了巨大贡献,也为战后国际新秩序的建立、为战后世界的和平与发展做出了重大贡献。这场战争也改变了中国的面貌:为中国取得独立与解放、为新中国的诞生奠定了基石,成为中国走上世界政治舞台和战后新中国崛起的起点与开端。 相似文献
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