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1.
新中国诞生后,百废待兴。冀朝鼎在帝国主义实施禁运和经济封锁的困难面前,积极探索中国外经贸的新体制,加强外汇管理,以灵活的外交,与11个国家签定了外贸协定,还成功地与日本、英国等未建交国家进行“民间贸易”.打破西方列强的孤立政策.开创了中国对外交往与贸易的新局面。  相似文献   

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Nationalist visions are often connected with a cult of the land. This article considers some of the cultural‐nationalist ideas linked to the Somerset town of Glastonbury, a prominent New Age centre. It discusses the legacy of British pastoralism as shown in the work of H. V. Morton and Cecil Sharp. It considers the evolution of an English–Celtic tradition, drawing on the legacy of the Arthurian legend, but being re‐formulated in the late twentieth century as a vehicle for New Age conceptions of British society. The article concludes by evaluating the political values inherent in the New Age.  相似文献   

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张之恒 《华夏考古》2001,15(4):84-87
近年来在我国一些新石器时代遗址中相继出土“环砥石”,有的发掘者将其命名为“石钻”、“钻头” 等。安徽省文物考古研究所于1998年11月在含山县凌家滩遗址发掘出土1件“环砥石”,称为“石钻”①。浙江省文物考古研究所于 1979年11 月至 1980年1月在桐乡县罗家角遗址第1层和第2层各出土1件“环砥石”(图一),发掘报告称其为“钻头”,并认为“这类钻头,可能与石器钻孔技术有关”②。这种石器的命名之所以会产生错误,是由于对“环砥石”的用途不明所致。 一、环砥石的用途 环砥石作为一种制作玉石器的工具,在我…  相似文献   

4.
《巴勒斯坦考察季》2013,145(3):179-184
Abstract

This paper revisits the contribution of the Palestine Exploration Fund (PEF) to the study of the ancient copper mines of Faynan, Jordan. It reveals that it was a PEF expedition that first reported smelting remains in the northern part of the Faynan region, and demonstrates that the reported remains are the Iron Age site of Khirbat al-Jariya.  相似文献   

5.
托尼的《宗教与资本主义的兴起》与韦伯的《新教伦理与资本主义精神》齐名,但是却反映了两种立场。与韦伯标榜中立的学术研究态度不同,托尼在他一系列学术著作和政论文中对资本主义进行了尖锐批评,也在他的政治活动和毕生关注的工人教育中努力实践自己的社会公平理想。在托尼看来,资本主义在本质上是与人的尊严相抵触的,是对财富的顶礼膜拜,是把一部分人看做充当工具的阶级,同时允许另一部分人利用他人为工具来达到致富目的。在资本主义不平等的社会结构中,教育不平等是其中的一个重要环节。把教育当做赚钱的勾当就等于把上帝的天赐拿去卖钱。他对哈耶克的经济自由主义进行了反驳,认为真正让人们奴化的,包括让专业人士和知识分子猥琐化的,恰恰是资本主义制度固有的贪婪。  相似文献   

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This paper discusses two private houses built by New Hebrides planter Jean Marot dit My, one on Santo Island, northern Vanuatu, and another in Nouméa, New Caledonia. The former is relatively well known in Vanuatu, as it is assumed to be the inspiration behind the octagonally shaped mansion of the character Emile de Becque, a French planter in James A. Michener’s Tales of the South Pacific. Mr My’s houses are linked to French Art Deco style and are here compared to one another. Through the study of their similarities and differences, and of their interiors, the integration of Art Deco style and design can be demonstrated. While they represent two very different ways of life, they show the inspiration, aspirations and trajectory of a colonial French family in southern Melanesia. Hopefully, this research will help promote the protection of both houses, through emphasising the importance of their historical and literary connections.  相似文献   

8.
This article reviews analyses of foreign and comparative politics published in the Australian Journal of Political Science over the past 50 years. The article uses a thematic approach, reviewing five broad regional areas: the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe; New Zealand and the Pacific; Canada, the USA and Western Europe; China and the rest of Asia; and Africa and the Middle East. The article assesses changes in the attention given to particular regions and countries over time, and highlights countries that have received relatively little attention. The article uses a Presidential address in 1985 by David Goldsworthy as a key reference text for assessing the study of foreign and comparative politics in Australia since 1966. The main shifts in overall attention since the early 1990s have been a decline in the historical study of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and increased attention to New Zealand.  相似文献   

9.
鹿角靴形器,或称鹿角钩形器,是新石器时代十分富有特色的一类遗物。安徽省蚌埠双墩新石器时代遗址出土了大量这类器物,颇具代表性。本文拟就蚌埠双墩遗址所出遗物进行探究,对这类靴形器的功用发表一下自己的薄见,认为这类器物是集刮抹器表、制作口沿、修整圈足和刻划符号四种功能于一身的陶器加工工具。  相似文献   

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Throughout 1894, Chicago's churches were as divided by class as the nation itself. During the Pullman strike and boycott, the city's leading Protestant and Catholic authorities hewed to an ideology of contract freedom that precluded support for the American Railway Union. Meanwhile, a handful of young Protestant ministers championed the strikers, echoing the criticisms of those working-class Protestants who had long decried the established churches’ ties to capital. This latter bloc expressed its frustration not merely with words but also through uprisings within local churches and even by founding a church of its own. In light of these findings, the author argues that a grassroots social Christianity preceded an elite Social Gospel; and furthermore, that the participation of working-class persons in the contests over the shape of modern Christianity demands a rethinking of the boundaries of both religious and working-class history.  相似文献   

11.
Canadian federal energy policy since the early 1970s has run counter to the interests of the producing provinces. Federal policy has always been predicated upon two points: sufficient domestic supply and acceptable domestic prices. Until the early 1970s, federal policy had been complementary to that of both the producer and consumer provinces. Natural gas shortages in 1970 and 1971, the OPEC embargo, and the quadrupling of prices radically changed federal policy. Exports were no longer promoted, and the federal government undertook to protect Canada from the inflationary pressures of rising world energy costs. These policies have run counter to those of the energy producing provinces, particularly to those of Alberta.

While it would appear that producer-provinces would have sufficient leverage to insist upon their interests, the federal government has made good use of its direct and indirect powers to set the agenda. This suggests that the Trudeau government has begun a recentralization of federal prerogative in an area historically the preserve of the provinces. Because the government has largely been successful, a difference between federal governments and supranational organizations is suggested. In supranational organizations the power to veto is vested in the governments of the states-members; in an integrated federal state, that power resides in the central government.  相似文献   

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Abstract

The tourism industry provides an important insight into cultural heritage production and marketing. Therefore, it is also important to look at what elements and components are selected to represent a chosen culture in the context of tourism, where some cultural elements are placed at the forefront while others are silenced. There is an increasing tendency to highlight religious symbols and conceptions in the marketing of a tourist destination and many major tourist sites have developed largely as a result of their connections to sacred people, places and events. One of these sites is analysed, namely the location Sápmi as it is marketed on the tourism web portal www.samitour.no, where New Age spirituality in conjunction with local indigenous traditions are highlighted to promote Sápmi as a tourist site. The focus is on the signposting of religious symbols as a resource in a tourism context and the challenges connected with the merger of spiritual and commercial values.  相似文献   

13.
作为城市政治机器的代表,美国纽约市的坦慕尼协会一度被视为城市“毒瘤”,尤其在进步主义时代,改革者将其视为阻遏市政改革的罪魁祸首。这一脸谱化的负面形象在某种程度上是历史的选择性“记忆”,而坦慕尼协会对纽约城市发展的贡献却被选择性地“遗忘”。同时,坦慕尼协会的衰落并非缘于与城市进步主义运动互斥,相反,正是因为其拥抱改革,才瓦解了原有坦慕尼组织的权力网络。如果将坦慕尼协会置于更加宏观的历史视域下考察,还会发现美国政府与社会之间权力的消长,直接影响了坦慕尼协会的命运,而在其兴衰演变的过程中,美国政党政治从中获得了更大的发展空间。  相似文献   

14.
For the past two decades, issues of English national identity have provided a fertile field for historical investigation. In the late Victorian era, the development of professional standards of scholarship within the academy gave a new dimension to historical debates. The bitter quarrels about appropriate research techniques from the 1860s to the 1890s, among James Anthony Froude, Edward Freeman and John Horace Round, acted as a proxy for the vision of national identity that each historian espoused. After 1870, the development of a national narrative focused on constitutional history as its primary vehicle. The battle over historical reconstruction represented a surrogate for divergent views about political values and national identity. What sometimes seemed frivolous scholarly skirmishes, therefore, had a much greater political importance. As a result, the long feud had greater importance than the eccentric personalities of the participants appeared to indicate. For Froude, the Tudor age of discovery and religious reformation represented the best of English character. For Freeman, a strong Gladstonian Liberal, consensus and continuity over many centuries defined English history best. John Horace Round, a Conservative stalwart, thought that Freeman had slanted his historical conclusions to validate his Liberal politics and reinterpreted the Norman conquest to express his own political beliefs. Thus the quibbles about shield walls and other issues provided a terrain for the real cause of antagonism: different views of national identity that history furnished. Each historian constructed a usable past in order to justify contemporary discussions of national identity.  相似文献   

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本文通过对被认为属于"夜郎文化"的威宁中水、赫章可乐、普安铜鼓山等遗址和墓地的出土遗物的对比研究,指出过去所认定的"夜郎文化"实际上是包含了三种不同的青铜时代文化类型,由此得出的"夜郎文化"并非严格上的考古学文化,而仅是一个大杂烩。  相似文献   

19.
This article examines the role J.A. Smith played in introducing Croce’s conception of history into British philosophy. In particular, it examines his influence on R.G. Collingwood’s incorporation of the Italian idealist conception of history into his own philosophy. The contentions that Smith was a key popularizer of Italian idealist ideas into Britain and that he helped to shape Collingwood’s intellectual developed is not new. Yet these interrelated topics have not been explored in any great depth. Collingwood’s own reticence over his intellectual debt to Smith, a lack of interest in Smith and an unfamiliarity with his philosophy have all contributed to this neglect. This article seeks to redress this neglect through analysing how Smith nurtured Collingwood’s adoption of a Crocean conception of history. To achieve its aim, this article first analyses Smith’s own reception of Croce’s conception of history. From this, it presents a contextualist analysis of Collingwood’s development of a Crocean conception of history and the role Smith played in its adoption. Finally, this article examines why, despite Smith’s influence over his intellectual development, Collingwood failed to acknowledge the intellectual debt he owed to Smith.  相似文献   

20.
The 20th century was the great age of Tudor parliamentary history. This essay examines the contributions and profound changes to the field made by the leading historians of the era, especially Sir John Neale and Sir Geoffrey Elton. Taking as its starting point the whiggish ideas of Stubbs's Constitutional History of England, it traces the impact of A.F. Pollard, G.M. Trevelyan, and Sir Lewis Namier on the field. At its core, though, lie the often acrimonious differences of opinion between Neale and his pupil, Elton. For Neale the Elizabethan parliaments were characterised by an increasingly puritanical Commons eager to wrest control of debates on religion and the succession away from the queen. In so doing this created a constitutional clash that would eventually lead to civil war in the mid 17th century. This ‘orthodoxy’ was savagely critiqued by a revisionist ‘school’ led by Elton that dismantled the interpretation of Neale and replaced it with an institution that was not dominated by political conflict but by largely consensual politics. It was also a position that gave equal weight to the Lords and to the importance of the business of parliament – legislation. The revisionists were masters of critique and highly effective at demolishing Neale, but did little to replace his theories or to explain religio‐political conflict – in doing so it could be argued that they killed the subject. The essay ends by suggesting some new approaches to Tudor parliaments that could help revitalise the subject.  相似文献   

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