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《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(4):450-454
This paper introduces a panel discussion of the work of Paul Ginsborg on contemporary Italian politics and society. A brief introduction to the studies under discussion is followed by comments from Judith Chubb, Ruth Ben-Ghiat and Charles S. Maier that focus, respectively, on: the broader problems of the development of civil society and the rule of law in Southern Italy; popular culture, culture and civil society; and the role of politics in shaping contemporary Italy. 相似文献
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郑振铎先生在40年代初致蒋复璁先生的所有信件,都保存在台北的中央图书馆特藏组.我在1999年4月,应台北中央研究院文哲所的邀请,前去进行学术交流,期间又在央馆参观访问,重点就是阅览郑振铎致蒋复璁的信. 相似文献
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一、尺牍释名及尺牍文献的起源 牍,东汉许慎《说文解字》卷七片部云:"牍,书版也."清代段玉裁《说文解字注》云:"牍,专谓用于书者."先秦时《周礼》、《仪礼》中多有版、方之词,皆牍之谓也. 相似文献
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《Intellectual History Review》2013,23(2):253-271
The discovery in 1987 of Paul de Man’s pro‐Nazi literary activities in wartime Belgium prompted a debate over the fact that de Man neither publicly declared his collaboration, nor clarified the relationship between his wartime experience and his post‐war work. De Man’s detractors argued that he insidiously hid his past. The evidence of his concealment, they maintained, was his silence and unwavering conviction in his mature work that the meaning of every text contains its opposite. De Man guaranteed the impossibility of knowing the original meanings of his wartime articles. In contrast, de Man’s supporters argued that what appeared to be de Man’s silence masked his life‐long critique of his wartime errors. His heroic analysis, they maintained, was expressed in his post‐war work. In contrast to these interpretations, it is argued that de Man’s silence and post‐war work resulted from his rejection of his former self and the influence of its unacknowledged presence. The unintentional presence of his past caused de Man’s inability to speak openly about his coll aboration and shaped the content of his late work. 相似文献
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1940年前后,浙江南浔刘承干(字贞一,号翰怡,别署求恕居士)嘉业堂藏书经历了一次比较大的变故:由于日本侵略军铁蹄南下,江南地区的局势一片动荡,又由于家庭矛盾日剧,生活财用日渐匮乏,刘承干无力保护其辛苦所藏,便将其出售,当时日本在华的两大机构--大连满铁株式会社和上海同文书院参与此事.而在这两家机构的前台和背后,当时的日本军方势力、学者以及中国的文人、书贾甚至堕为民族败类的汉奸,也纷纷染指其中,从而展开了一场政治与学术相融、道义与强权并在的"文化交流"活动.这种在特定条件下私人藏书所遭遇的特殊命运,颇富有传奇色彩,而其中所包含的民族辛酸,更令人深感痛心. 相似文献
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(七) 螾公同年赐鉴: 昨又由贞兄交阅寄下之公函,弟早虑夜长梦多,柔甫既函公,即不再函贞兄,可知矣.公为贞兄借箸而筹,无不中肯.柔甫佯拒等说,尤不可出自贞兄口中,碻论也,卓见也.惟查书人未知何日南来,其来不免借端挑剔,以为减价之地步.柔甫似早见及此,因拟暂作旁观,未知我公能再劝柔甫,终了此事否?盖柔甫一作旁观,则他人必争居正面.彼时事必棘手,而柔甫所谓彼方到时将狼狈而乞助者,未必有其事也.管见总以早日解决为善,他方用手腕,我方推至诚,此刻惟有公将贞兄至诚之心再达之柔甫,庶几垂成之功不至失败,尊意当以为然?诗孙处弟亦劝贞兄照代拟之稿作答,其末二行,贞兄虑阅者不谅,或生周折,弟谓不妨略润色之,逊其词仍不变其意,斯得矣.旅顺已去函,并另函君羽①,凡事总不妨从长商量,俟得复,再奉闻.手上,敬请道安(闻公前恙又微发,虽属冬行春令所致,究以抽暇静养为宜,务希珍摄为祷).弟期汝叩十一月二十九日 相似文献
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(十五) 君九大哥大人左右: 两奉手札,一代拟复诗孙稿,一寄示柔翁函,谨拜悉.尊稿周密之至.候柔翁函,至今日不来,故已照尊稿作复,其语气则稍改和缓(因已与诗孙通信数次,故今函亦须前后萦拂). 相似文献
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黄绍箕(1854—1908年),字仲,又字穆琴,晚号鲜庵,浙江瑞安人,黄体芳子。光绪六年(1880年)进士,任翰林院编修。二十一年侍父归里,途经上海时列名"上海强学会"。二十三年任湖北乡试正考官,二十四年任会典馆提调、翰林院侍讲、左春坊左庶子、京师大学堂总办。二十五年任翰林院侍讲学士、侍读学士。二十六年受张之洞之聘,赴湖北主持两湖书院。三十年任编书局监督,次年正月兼任译学馆监督。三十二年任湖北提学使,卒于任。著《中国教育史》等。黄绍箕精通训诂学,还精金石书画,常与潘祖荫、孙诒让、端方、盛昱、王懿荣、费念慈等一起探讨。温州博物馆藏有许多黄绍箕友朋的信札,特选张之洞、林开、杨锐、李传元、张亨嘉等人的信札予以整理刊布。这些信札写于光绪二十一年(1895年)至三十一年间,内容涉及当时时事,如《马关条约》签订后,台湾抗击日军的消息;山东义和团运动,以及有关京师大学堂招聘德文教师等,具有重大史料价值。 相似文献
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1921年初,《新青年》同仁围绕《新青年》要不要自沪移京编辑等问题发生了激烈的争论,各方之间为此作了大量的通信。这些通信的书写时间,绝大部分已经清晰,但也有少量重要信札,其书写时间或被弄错,或仍属混沌,亟待厘清。 相似文献
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