共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
4.
国性论、国粹论,滥觞于晚清。在五四新文化运动中,它们成为旧文人旧思想护圣守旧的工具;同时,又是新文化新思想排孔开新的靶子。由对于国性论、国粹论的批判,到主张国民性改造,标志着新文化运动由关注思想文化问题到关心社会主体——人的问题,这本身就体现着新文化运动的深化和进步。因此,理所当然地说,文化新人对国性论、国粹论的批判,既是五四时期排孔开新文化主题的题中本义,更是新文化运动的重要内容。因此,研究晚清思想史学术史固然要重视国性论、国粹论,而研究五四思想史学术史也不能忽视国性论、国粹论。 相似文献
5.
Daniel Carey 《History & Anthropology》2013,24(2):107-126
This article argues that anthropology inherited a series of contradictory imperatives from its origin as a form of travel. The point is made by studying the relationship between the metadiscourse on travel in the early modern period and the metadiscourse of classic anthropology in the twentieth century. Early commentators worried about the effect of travel on identity and argued that extended journeys resulted in a disaffiliation from inherited values. The goal was to acquire new customs, but not to return as a stranger in one's own country. To prevent the negative effects of travel, travellers were urged to fix their identity in advance of departure and to signal their untroubled reincorporation once they came home. In the Romantic era, an alternative emerged in the valuation of travel as an occasion of critique in which the return was attenuated or suspended. As anthropology developed out of earlier forms of travel, it acquired these competing notions of authenticity, at once defending itself against the accusation of abandoning identity while advocating total immersion in the context of fieldwork. Recent theoretical developments in anthropology are examined to ascertain whether the dilemma of priorities has been overcome. While the evidence suggests that this is possible, anthropology has continued to embrace a distinctive seventeenth‐century compromise, adopting unfamiliar customs selectively, without compromising the integrity of identity. 相似文献
6.
7.
8.
D. N. JEANS 《Geographical Research》1983,21(2):170-182
The depth of feeling now seen in the struggle over environmental conservation can, with the aid of scholars in other disciplines, be traced to the central importance of Nature in the ideology of Western Society. The late seventeenth century is seen as the period of an ideological transformation in which Nature, at first under the tutelage of God, came to set the terms for social definition and debate. As a flexible metaconcept, Nature became a weapon of social control for a hegemonic centre and, at the same time, a vehicle of protest for the social periphery. Further ambiguity arises from the intersection of this development with the devaluation of Nature as a commodity within the capitalist system, which intensifies the element of protest in the use of Nature as a social category. 相似文献
9.
10.
11.
由湖南吉首大学民族研究所所长副研究员罗康隆撰写的《族际关系论》一书已由贵州民族出版社出版,该书是一部理论性很强的著作,而且有独到的视角,这可以从本书的篇章结构中看出。 相似文献
12.
Stephen Howe 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2013,41(2):131-141
The Oxford History of the British Empire, Volume V, Historiography edited by Robin W. Winks. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. Pp.xxxiv + 731. £35.00 (hardback). ISBN 0–19–820566‐X. 相似文献
13.
国民参政会是抗战时期成立的一个特殊的国家最高政治机关,它的地位作用和性质,引起了学术界的广泛关注.出现了纷繁复杂的观点,或把国民参政会说成是一个代表人民参政的民意机关(或准民意机关),或把它说成是一个仅仅供国民政府进行咨询的最高机关,或把它说成是一个特殊的具有双重性质的咨议机关,等等.本文对这些观点进行了述评. 相似文献
14.
15.
16.
E.R. Weiss-Altaner 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(2):183-201
The Scottish historical novelist, John Galt assumed that the origins of law rested on the anarchistic and primitive nature of human beings, who formed a society on a contractual basis out of the need for security. Although generally agreeing with enlightenment thinkers on the formation of society, law and human nature a divergence in Galt's thought appeared in the secular treatment of crimes. Adhering to prevalent Christian notions about sin and crime, Galt rejected a clear distinction between the two, and between morality and law, such as were upheld by such enlightenment figures as Cesare Beccaria. Such a clear distinction failed in its analysis of the phenomena. He was at one with Enlightenment-influenced thought in its criticism of cruel punishments and advocated a humanitarian approach to the criminal, but he also emphasised education in Christian morality as the most appropriate means of deterrence. This divergence from more radical enlightenment views sprang from his lack of confidence in the capacities of human reason. Nevertheless, a fundamentally humanist philosophy and a belief in the importance of learning linked his conservatism with an enlightenment belief in human progress. 相似文献
17.
18.
National narratives and the Oslo peace process: How peacebuilding paradigms address conflicts over history
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Nations & Nationalism》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Nadim Khoury 《Nations & Nationalism》2016,22(3):465-483
National narratives are an essential part of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Little is said, however, on how the Oslo Peace Process sought to address these narratives. Conventional wisdom argues that the peace process initiated in the 1990s largely ignored the matter. This article challenges this view, arguing instead that the peace process was and continues to be actively engaged in solving the narrative wars that divide Israelis and Palestinians. To shed light on these solutions, this article looks beyond the agreements of the Oslo Peace Process and focuses on the peacebuilding paradigms that informed it, more specifically, the national partition and the liberal peace paradigms. These prescribe two solutions to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict over history: narrative partition and evasion. In their implementation, the article concludes, these solutions imposed greater identity costs on the Palestinian narrative than on the Israeli one. 相似文献
19.
EUGENE HICKOK 《Journal of Supreme Court History》2009,34(3):303-314
For many years, I taught third‐year law students at the Dickinson School of Law (Penn State's law school now, a private institution then) a seminar entitled “The Constitution.” For a semester we would seek to get to know the document through a careful reading of it, along with some of the works that those who wrote the Constitution would have read and some that they wrote, various essays by legal scholars and political scientists, and various Supreme Court cases. The goal was to get these budding young attorneys to try to determine what, if any, relationship there might be between what the Constitution says and what we now say it says. 相似文献