共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Mark Billinge 《Journal of Historical Geography》1977,3(1):55-67
The paper aims to investigate the nature and origin of the “phenomenological movement” in historical geography, by comparing and contrasting the fundamental principles of phenomenology as philosophy on the one hand, and the character of the so-called behavioural and perceptual approaches to historical reconstruction on the other. Questions are raised as to the methodological purity of the particular strand of non-positivist ideology which has entered into the annals of geographical literature; and, finally, the adoption of behavioural explanatory modes in historical geography is seen as a pragmatic response to substantive problems rather than a conscious or even strategic change in underlying philosophy. 相似文献
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Brandon M. Boylan 《Nations & Nationalism》2015,21(4):761-785
This article examines the fiscal dimensions of recent support for Catalan secession. Since the region is a cultural community distinct from the rest of Spain, much research has spotlighted national identity features in the calculus of Catalan political aspirations. This study supplements this work by contextualising support for Catalan independence in terms of the state's fiscal arrangements with the use of public opinion survey data. Even after controlling for self‐reported cultural identity and other relevant factors, it argues that support for independence is a function of grievances rooted in the desire for Catalonia to assume responsibility for taxation and spending policy. Meanwhile, it validates some observations about Catalonia's separatist movement, while bringing others into question, and offers support for the theoretical framework linking political economy to secessionism. The results suggest that Spain might be able to stave off Catalonia's separatist bid through some form of political and taxation policy reconfiguration, with the caveats that cultural identity factors and the existence of other separatist movements across the country complicate this strategy. 相似文献
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This article examines Austrian policy towards the Italian states from the Congress of Vienna to the revolutions of 1848. It argues that the paramount concern of Habsburg policy was not revolution, but rather the maintenance of a hegemonic position in the peninsula against threats from the Habsburgs’ traditional enemy ‐ the French. Revolution caused significant concern only because it might provide the French with a pretext for intervention in the peninsula. Consequently a number of strategies were adopted both to forestall insurrection (vigorous policing, encouraging moderate reform programmes, armed intervention), and to retain influence over the peninsula's rulers (diplomatic pressure, dynastic and military alliances, promises of assistance against unrest). However, by the 1830s the Austrians were faced by increasing challenges to their position of dominance. This was in part because of the personal ambitions of individual Italian rulers, but it also reflected the changing situation in Paris after the July Revolution, and in Vienna after the death of Francis I. 相似文献
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AMANDA DICKINS 《International affairs》2006,82(3):479-492
The 'invisible college' of international political economy (IPE) is a house divided. The field is split between the rationalist species that dominates in the US and a diverse genus of critical scholars. Recent developments in IPE suggest, however, that there is scope to rebuild the invisible college. An increasing awareness of normative questions should make rationalist scholars more receptive to critical work, while critical scholars are discovering an independent identity as they reinvent themselves in the tradition of classical political economy. There is much to gain from a renewed exchange between rationalist and critical scholars, particularly in the context of empirical work, as demonstrated by the vivid politics of the global bioeconomy. 相似文献
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Yong-Soo Park 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2009,63(4):529-549
For over 10 years, North Korea has undergone a severe economic crisis, including food shortages, which has inflicted great suffering upon the North Korean people. Given such dire realities, it is beyond all doubt that the North Korean government should actively carry out comprehensive economic reforms as quickly as possible which aim to transform North Korea's present inefficient socialist planned economic system into a market economic system. Many argue that such reforms would give rise to successful economic growth in North Korea, which could enhance the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. Yet, the North Korean regime has consistently avoided implementing economic reforms, even though it has had a number of opportunities to do so. The July 1st reforms, which were introduced in 2002, have been half-hearted and inconsistently applied. This then raises an important question: Why has the North Korean government avoided adopting comprehensive economic reforms? In other words, what is the crucial barrier that has hindered North Korea's implementation of economic reforms? This article pinpoints North Korea's unique political system—i.e. its monolithic system of political control and policy making which exhibits the highest level of power concentration in one individual among all political systems—as the biggest barrier to economic reforms. No doubt North Korea desperately needs comprehensive economic reforms, in light of its economic crisis and food shortages. Nonetheless, the current North Korean regime has avoided adopting such reforms since they will undermine North Korea's monolithic system. In conclusion, North Korea's monolithic system has been the biggest obstacle to North Korea's economic reforms. 相似文献
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Rob Inkpen 《The Canadian geographer》2018,62(2):200-211
New technologies enable high‐resolution monitoring techniques and the generation of big data and have been heralded as increasing the depth of our understanding of geomorphic phenomena. These technologies, however, also provide us with a convenient entry point into the increasingly constraining political economy of geomorphology. Building on the work of Stuart Lane and of critical physical geographers, this paper traces and examines the multiple roles that new technologies have played in constraining research questions and directing resources. Using the activity sphere framework outlined by David Harvey, the influence of new technologies can be traced around the spheres and their constraining of existing relations within academia and explanation identified. 相似文献
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Robert Springborg 《Australian journal of political science》1976,11(1):85-89
R. Hrair Dekmejian, Egypt under Nasir: A Study in Political Dynamics, Albany, State University of New York Press, 1971, 368 pp.. $10.00.
Iliya F. Harik, The Political Mobilization of Peasants: A Study of an Egyptian Community, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1974, 309 pp., $12.50.
James B. Mayfield, Rural Politics in Nasser's Egypt: A Quest for Legitimacy, Austin, University of Texas Press, 1971, 288 pp., $10.00.
Amos Perlmutter, Egypt: The Preatorian State, New Brunswick, Transaction Books, 1974, 234 pp., $9.95. 相似文献
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John K. Chance 《Reviews in Anthropology》2013,42(2):227-235
Joseph W. Whitecotton. The Zapotecs: Princes, Priests and Peasants. Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1977. xiv + 338 pp. Illustrations, maps, tables, appendix, bibliography, and index. $14.95. 相似文献
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Trevor Matthews 《Australian journal of political science》1967,2(2):272-274
Hylda A. Rolfe, The Controllers: Interlocking Directorates in Large Australian Companies, F. W. Cheshire, Melbourne 1967, pp. xvii + 126, $2.95 (paperbound). 相似文献
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Ken Inglis 《Australian journal of political science》2015,50(1):7-24
This article explores the rich legacy of Henry Mayer for the study of politics, and the media, in the Australian context and his influence on several generations of Australian intellectuals whom he taught. The article concludes that Henry Mayer remains ‘inscrutable'; such is the complexity of his worldview and the unique circumstances of his upbringing in Germany under the shadows of the Second World War.
本文探讨了亨利梅耶留给澳大利亚政治及媒体研究的遗产,以及对他教授过的几代澳大利亚知识分子的影响。文章的结论是梅耶高深莫测;他的世界观太复杂了,他二战期间成长于德国的环境太独特了。 相似文献
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Paul Shankman 《Reviews in Anthropology》2018,47(3-4):57-75
Truth’s Fool is a sympathetic biography of Derek Freeman, the anthropologist best known for his scathing critique of Margaret Mead’s Coming of Age in Samoa. Hempenstall, a historian, chronicles Freeman’s life and work, including an appraisal of the Mead–Freeman controversy. Hempenstall is interested in Freeman’s ideas, motives, and intentions as well as his personal struggles. He argues that Freeman has been misunderstood, maligned, and vilified in an uncivil “war” among cultural anthropologists. This review examines Hempenstall’s interpretation of Freeman’s personal struggles and his perspective on Freeman’s two books on Mead and Samoa. 相似文献
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William H. Marquardt 《Reviews in Anthropology》2013,42(4):271-275
Neuman, Robert W. An Introduction to Louisiana Archaeology. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1984. xvi + 366 pp. including plates, references, and index. $27.50 cloth. 相似文献