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1.
In the summers of 1879 and 1881, while Freud was a research student in Ernst von Brücke's laboratory at the Institute of Physiology at the University of Vienna, he carried out an important though seldom remembered investigation on the internal structure of nerve fibers and cells. His contribution to this field is here examined in the context of the 19th-century debate regarding the existence of neurofibrils and of present views on the cytoskeleton. Freud was able to discern separate fine fibrils following straight courses within the nerve fibers, as well as concentric loops of striae surrounding the nuclei and converging towards the processes of the cell bodies in crayfish nervous tissue. He thus confirmed and extended observations made by Robert Remak almost 40 years earlier, which had remained controversial. Electron microscopy of the crustacean nervous system confirmed Freud's main points, which in turn vindicated those of Remak. Both researchers were looking at small bundles of microtubules, and thus they were among the first to picture the lacy intracellular framework that future cell biologists would call the cytoskeleton.  相似文献   

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Camillo Golgi and Santiago Ramón y Cajal shared the Nobel Prize in 1906 for their work on the histology of the nerve cell, but both held diametrically opposed views about the Neuron Doctrine which emphasizes the structural, functional and developmental singularity of the nerve cell. Golgi's reticularist views remained entrenched and his work on the nervous system did not venture greatly into new territories after its original flowering, which had greater impact than is now commonly credited. Cajal, by contrast, by the time he was awarded the Nobel Prize, was already breaking new ground with a new staining technique in the field of peripheral nerve regeneration, seeing the reconstruction of a severed nerve by sprouting from the proximal stump as another manifestation of the Neuron Doctrine. Paradoxically, identical studies were going on simultaneously in Golgi's laboratory in the hands of Aldo Perroncito, but the findings did not seem to influence Golgi's thinking on the Neuron Doctrine.  相似文献   

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This article analyzes how Freud takes issue with the prioritization of the present over and above the historical past. Significantly, Freud's understanding of history is closely related to his interest in Christianity's historical dependence on Jewish antiquity. He emphasizes the common sources of both religions: both are shaped by the experience of guilt. Christianity, however, relegates the historical past to the realm of the “old Adam.” According to Freud, Jewish culture, by contrast, revolves around the commemoration of a “savage” (i.e. pre‐modern) past. This article thus focuses on how Freud combines his analysis of onto‐genesis (in his psychoanalytical case studies) with a discussion of phylogeny. The manifestation of psychic illness gives body to the unconscious remembrance of phylogenetic history. Thanks to religious and literary documents an irrational past has been put down in writing. According to Freud, this characterizes their historical truth value.  相似文献   

7.
This article explores reactions of clinical neurologists of the late-nineteenth century to the concept of a unified nerve cell, the “neuron,” which developed from the research on fine anatomy of the nervous system and from conclusions of Waldeyer based on that research. Assessment shows that Waldeyer's role in the acceptance of the neuron theory was not straightforward. A study of primarily American medical literature shows rapid acceptance, eager applications, and high expectations. Nonetheless, some clinicians were disappointed in its immediate relevance. An explanation for this disappointment is offered.  相似文献   

8.
Vision provided the obvious source of determining the dimensions of nerve fibers when suitable achromatic microscopes were directed at neural tissue in the 1830s. The earlier microscopes of Hooke and Leeuwenhoek were unable to resolve such small structures adequately. However, it was not Hooke’s microscope that led to an estimate of the dimensions of nerve fibers, but his experiments on the limits of visual resolution; he determined that a separation of one minute of arc was the minimum that could normally be seen. Descartes had earlier speculated that the retina consisted of the ends of fibers of the optic nerve, and that their size defined the limits of what could be seen. Estimates of the diameters of nerve fibers were made on the basis of human visual acuity by Porterfield in 1738; he calculated the diameters of nerve fibers in the retina as one 7,200th part of an inch (0.0035 mm), based on the resolution of one minute as the minimum visible. In the same year, Jurin questioned the reliability of such estimates because of variations in visual resolution with different stimuli.  相似文献   

9.
Employing and extending Hans-Jörg Rheinberger's analytical concept of epistemic things, this essay proposes one reason why squid giant axons, unusually large invertebrate nerve fibers, had such great impacts on twentieth-century neurobiology. The 1930s characterizations of these axons by John Zachary Young reshaped prevailing assumptions about nerve cells as epistemic things, I argue. Specifically, Young's preparations of these axons, which consisted of fibers attached to laboratory technologies, highlighted similarities between giant axons and more familiar ones via lines of comparative study common to aquatic biology. Young's work convinced other biologists that the squid giant fibers were, in fact, axons, despite their unusual fused (syncytial) structures, thereby promoting further studies, such as intracellular measurements, made possible by the fiber's size. Tracing direct relations between preparations of squid axons and broader interpretations of neurons as epistemic things, this paper renders an actors’ category, “preparations,” into an analytical one. In turn, it offers glimpses into how aquatic organisms shaped twentieth-century neurobiology and how local experiments can drive broader, disciplinary changes.  相似文献   

10.
Vision provided the obvious source of determining the dimensions of nerve fibers when suitable achromatic microscopes were directed at neural tissue in the 1830s. The earlier microscopes of Hooke and Leeuwenhoek were unable to resolve such small structures adequately. However, it was not Hooke's microscope that led to an estimate of the dimensions of nerve fibers, but his experiments on the limits of visual resolution; he determined that a separation of one minute of arc was the minimum that could normally be seen. Descartes had earlier speculated that the retina consisted of the ends of fibers of the optic nerve, and that their size defined the limits of what could be seen. Estimates of the diameters of nerve fibers were made on the basis of human visual acuity by Porterfield in 1738; he calculated the diameters of nerve fibers in the retina as one 7,200th part of an inch (0.0035 mm), based on the resolution of one minute as the minimum visible. In the same year, Jurin questioned the reliability of such estimates because of variations in visual resolution with different stimuli.  相似文献   

11.
Argentinean philosopher León Rozitchner theorized the political potential of the Peronist movement through a unique analytical matrix drawing upon Marxism, psychoanalysis and phenomenology. This essay will explore how Rozitchner’s interpretation of Freud’s theory of group psychology in Freud y los límites del individualismo burgués (Freud and the Limits of Bourgeois Individualism, 1972) approaches the figure of the mass in ethical, political and historical terms. I argue that Rozitchner articulates these three dimensions of the mass by viewing its libidinal constitution through a unique historical-materialist lens. Freud y los límites… thus asks us to consider the question of the drive’s sublimation at stake in Freud’s theory as a technique of social reproduction and, simultaneously, as a directly productive form of labour. In this sense, the organization of libidinal investment that constitutes the mass also holds the key to its potential social emancipation. Furthermore, while Rozitchner’s view of subjectivity often appears as transhistorical in scope, his approach to the productive activity of the drive in Freud y los límites… asks us to consider the ethical stakes of sublimation in relation to a specific historical moment of capitalist exploitation. Read through this tension, Freud y los límites… thus ultimately underlines the historical conditions of the ethical transformation it demands.  相似文献   

12.
Golgi's only paper on the pes Hippocampi major was published in 1883 and then reprinted and translated a number of times. In it he stated that the fascia dentata provided the best information available to date on how nerve fibers and nerve cells are related. Based on the revolutionary silver chromate method he had introduced a decade earlier, Golgi described two sources of axons from the fascia dentata: one consisted of direct axons from the granule cells, and the other consisted of indirect axons from a diffuse neural net or reticulum that was generated from collaterals of the direct axons. The same basic arrangement was described for Ammon's horn, but neither was illustrated, and it is important to bear in mind that this work was published before the ‘neuron doctrine’ and ‘law of functional polarity’ were elaborated in the 1890s.  相似文献   

13.
In his carrier as physician, Sigmund Freud claimed various and surprising successes in healing patients. An evaluation of those cases in which evidence independent of Freud's publications has been discovered reveals a lifelong pattern of Freud claiming successes, patients, however, not being cured, and Freud being aware of this. The elements of this pattern are matched with the components of the legal definition of fraud.  相似文献   

14.
The question as to whether an extracellular matrix exists between cells in the adult brain has been debated since the end of the last century. In the early years, zones containing neuropil and glial processes were mistakenly believed to represent this substance. But Golgi's discovery of the “perineuronal net” paved the way for future study of the true extracellular matrix. In the 1950s, application of histochemical techniques established the existence of interstitial material between nerve cells. Unfortunately the similarity between the pericellular distribution of this material and Golgi's “pericellular nets” was overlooked. The detection of an extracellular volume fraction in the central nervous system furnished further indirect proof for the existence of an extracellular matrix in the brain. However, the repeated failure of electron microscopy to reveal a substantial space between cell processes undermined the acceptance of the concept of “extracellular matrix” in the central nervous system. Nowadays this concept has, however, been firmly established.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

In 1891, Sigmund Freud published a book on aphasia. Although Freud's contribution to aphasiology could have been important in retrospect, it was hardly acknowledged for three quarters of a century. It may have had an impact on psychoanalytic theory, but this was not acknowledged by Freud. If there are neurological roots in psychoanalysis, they are buried by paradigmatic shifts in Freud's theory.  相似文献   

16.
William James was the first to suggest that propagation of impulses in the nervous system proceeds in one direction, from sensory to motor neurons, but not viceversa. His law of forward direction preceded the formulation of the law of dynamic polarization of van Gehuchten and Cajal, which assumed that nerve impulses are conducted cellulipetally along dendrites and cellulifugally along axons, based on different anatomo-functional properties of these neuronal components. Golgi did not accept the law of dynamic polarization because he believed that dendrites are involved in the nutrition of the neuron rather than in impulse propagation, and that impulses can travel in any direction in the axonal components of the diffuse nerve network. Sherrington in turn experimentally demonstrated that intraneuronic conduction is reversible, whereas, in accord with James's law, propagation of impulses along neuronal chains is irreversible, due to the valve-like action of synapses. The story of the law of dynamic polarization shows that neither Golgi nor Cajal paid much heed to Sherrington's findings and to neurophysiological studies in general, probably because they felt that histology alone could provide the key for understanding the general functioning of the nervous system. It is argued here that this attitude was detrimental to the progress of the neurosciences, because a multidisciplinary approach based on different techniques is inevitably called for in order to develop a plausible theory of the nervous system.  相似文献   

17.
The Discovery of the Unconscious by Henri F. Ellenberger has become a common topic in the historiography of (dynamic) psychiatry. But many users of this term have still the opinion that Sigmund Freud was the unique discoverer. In reality there was a scientific context at the fin de siècle, which corresponded intensively with Freud's original concepts and formed their implications (e.g. Darwinism, Neurophysiology). Besides well-documented synchronic analogies Freud implanted diachronic traditions within his psychoanalytic theory. Especially, his main work The Interpretation of Dreams implies Greek mythology as well as natural philosophy of romanticism. Freuds special concepts like ‘transfer’ and ‘resistance’ have to be analysed as historical metaphors.  相似文献   

18.
In a letter written in 1927, the French writer Romain Rolland asked Sigmund Freud to analyse the ‘oceanic feeling,’ a religious feeling of oneness with the entire universe. I will argue that Rolland’s intentions in introducing the oceanic feeling to Freud were much more complex, multifaceted, and critical than most scholars have acknowledged. To this end, I will examine Rolland’s views on mysticism and psychoanalysis in his book-length biographies of the Indian saints Sri Ramakrishna and Swami Vivekananda, which he wrote just after he mentioned the oceanic feeling to Freud in 1927. I will argue that Rolland’s primary intentions in appealing to the oceanic feeling in his 1927 letter to Freud – less evident in his letters to Freud than in his biographies of Sri Ramakrishna and Vivekananda – were to challenge the fundamental assumptions of psychoanalysis from a mystical perspective and to confront Freud with a mystical ‘science of the mind’ that he felt was more rigorous and comprehensive than Freud’s psychoanalytic science.  相似文献   

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Colgi, Cajal and the Neuron Doctrine   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Camillo Golgi and Santiago Ramon y Cajal shared the Nobel Prize in 1906 for their work on the histology of the nerve cell, but both held diametrically opposed views about the Neuron Doctrine which emphasizes the structural, functional and developmental singularity of the nerve cell. Golgi's reticularist views remained entrenched and his work on the nervous system did not venture greatly into new territories after its original flowering, which had greater impact than is now commonly credited. Cajal, by contrast, by the time he was awarded the Nobel Prize, was already breaking new ground with a new staining technique in the field of peripheral nerve regeneration, seeing the reconstruction of a severed nerve by sprouting from the proximal stump as another manifestation of the Neuron Doctrine. Paradoxically, identical studies were going on simultaneously in Golgi's laboratory in the hands of Aldo Perroncito, but the findings did not seem to influence Golgi's thinking on the Neuron Doctrine.  相似文献   

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