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Lea Goldberg served as a key literary taste-maker in the labor movement children's literature for a period of about 25 years, from the mid-1930s until the end of the 1950s. This essay focuses on the peak of her activities in this field, a period beginning in 1943 and ending around 1960. These were the years of her uncompromising struggle to establish a children's literary canon through Sifriyat Po'alim, the publishing house of Hashomer Hatza'ir and Hakibbutz Ha'artzi federation. The essay explores the strategies employed by Goldberg in her pursuit of a meaningful balance between two contrasting labor movement approaches towards the revolutionary role of children's literature: the “political” approach, which recruited children's literature in order to promote revolutionary kibbutz values; and the “poetic” modernist approach, which defined literature itself as revolutionary. By maintaining a dialectic tension between the two models of a revolutionary “literary beautiful,” Goldberg led a quiet revolution in the hegemonic labor movement children's literature of her time.  相似文献   

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Russia's natural gas industry has been enormously successful over the past quarter century (gas production increased nearly eightfold between 1970 and 1990 and exports outside the territory of the former USSR increased by 33 times), an outward success that appears to have carried over into the difficult transition period of the last five years; output has remained almost stable despite unprecedented declines elsewhere in the economy. Still, in recent years, with the overall economic and political transformation, the situation has become far more unsettled for the industry. This paper identifies and analyzes emerging new forces associated with the economic transition and assesses their likely impact upon the natural gas sector in terms of production trends and related developments in demand (both in terms of internal consumption and exports). 6 tables, 3 figures, 41 references.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT. The goal of this article is to analyse the political communication style of the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (Dvizheniye Protiv Nelegalnoy Immigrazii – DPNI), which is one of the central nodes in the Russian extreme‐right movement web network. In the article, the political communication style of the organisation is investigated at two levels – the presentation of online identity and the presentation of offline identity. Online self‐presentation is studied by means of the qualitative analysis of the incoming links (position in the web network) and the internal structure of the website. DPNI is conceptualised as a new type of political organisation based on the networking principle allowing flexible membership and based on the interplay of its online and offline self‐presentations. The study provides insights into how the new media become embedded in the political communication of extreme‐right political organisations in Russia.  相似文献   

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19世纪七、八十年代,参与中日文学交流的主要是中国驻日使馆官员以及旅日文人。他们多为饱学之士,且好交友喜翰墨,常与东瀛的一流文人宴饮赋诗、笔谈雅会,创作了许多脍炙人口的诗赋篇章。这种面对面的交流,极大地刺激了日本诗人的创作欲望,有力地促进了日本汉文学的复兴与发展。同时,他们还以游记、随笔等形式,把自己在日本的所见、所闻以及亲身体验等介绍给国人,为国内同胞了解日本的文学艺术、世俗人情、自然风物等提供了生动、翔实的资料。  相似文献   

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在建党八十周年的时候,我们把当年太行革命根据地美术工作者创作的木刻作品介绍给大家。这既是老一辈木刻家留给后代的一份珍贵艺术遗产,也是今天进行爱国主义教育和革命传统教育的形象化生动教材。 太行革命根据地,在抗日战争时期是中国共产党领导的敌后抗日游击战争的战略要地之一,根据地军民保家卫国,抗击日寇,英勇杀敌,用血肉筑起敌后抗战的铁壁铜墙,为抗日民族革命战争的胜利付出了巨大的牺牲。解放战争时期,太行解放区的军民又以空前高涨的革命积极性,投身争取民主自由、光明进步的人民革命战争,为全国解放作出了卓越的贡…  相似文献   

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《巴勒斯坦考察季》2013,145(3):205-212
Abstract

Laurence Oliphant's interest in the development of Jewish settlement in Ottoman Palestine preceded his interest in the plight of Jewish communities in Eastern Europe. While his intensive involvement in these matters is well known, especially in modern Israel, the fact that the funds for his largesse were contributed by the Christadelphian Brotherhood has not previously been published. The present article brings to light material from the archives of this sect, and thus, too, the motivation behind these efforts.  相似文献   

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An American resource geographer examines current production in one of the world's major copper industries, with special emphasis on the Noril'sk Nickel Joint-Stock Company—the world's most important producer of platinum-group metals, a leader in nickel and cobalt output, and the leading Russian producer of copper as well. The author documents and analyzes changes in operating procedures and raw material supplies in the industry during the 1990s, focusing on adjustments (such as tolling arrangements and imports of concentrate in the raw-material-deficient Urals and efforts to introduce cost economies in resource-rich Noril'sk) prompted by the severing of industry production linkages of the Soviet period and their partial reintegration under new corporate structures. In addition to restructuring, likened to similar adjustments in the American copper industry, the investigation covers exploration and new mine development at various Russian locations as well as the economics of producing copper and other exportable metals at Arctic production centers. 1 figure, 4 tables, 103 references. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: L61, L72, Q32.  相似文献   

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This article deals with laissez faire arguments as distinguishable in Europe between the final decades of the nineteenth century and 1914. The focus is on Herbert Spencer and the British ‘Individualists’, the Italian Vilfredo Pareto, and the Frenchman Paul Leroy-Beaulieu. Analysis concentrates on the relationship between laissez faire formulations and democracy, the latter amounting to the impact of the extension of the franchise on representative government. All the mentioned authors blamed the mechanisms of democratic government for the contemporary growth in state functions. While Spencer focused on the threat of a new class legislation after the demise of aristocratic power, Pareto and Leroy-Beaulieu viewed the pressure of lobbies and parties as the chief cause of the extension of state interventions. This article also aims to detect similarities and differences with more recent formulations. It is argued that Friedrich Hayek's achievement was to reconcile, against earlier perspectives, laissez faire with democracy. The reconciliation rested on a conceptualisation of democracy as a valuable method or procedure, onto which no values should be grafted.  相似文献   

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This article investigates the impact of the 1883–5 electoral reforms on the political culture of elections and electioneering in the constituencies, using the borough of Ipswich as its focus. It argues that historians have underestimated the extent to which the Franchise and Redistribution Acts of 1884–5 transformed political cultures outside the countryside and large cities, and that the Corrupt Practices Act of 1883 had a major impact on the modernisation of party organisation. Principally, however, it challenges the prevailing historical consensus that the basis of post‐reform constituency politics remained, to a large extent, local in nature, by suggesting that electioneering cultures were placed under considerable ‘nationalising’ influences from the early 1880s on. Rather than resisting these influences, the established Ipswich parties largely embraced them. Moreover, a general decline in corruption, and a general increase in the number of speeches reported in local newspapers from ‘carpetbagger’ candidates and national leaders, created a climate in which it was now more difficult for any constituency, however idiosyncratic, to insulate itself from ‘national’ politics.  相似文献   

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This article demonstrates how both the agency of women of colour and a particular set of ideas about femininity and maternity played an important part in shaping the ending of slavery in the city of Rio de Janeiro. It does so through the prism of untapped municipal documentation, exploring initiatives taken by the city council both to abolish slavery by emancipating mainly women and to shape the city's first generation of fully free working families by founding schools and charitable institutions. In enacting these measures, councillors found themselves debating not only the meanings of freedom, but the meanings of ex‐slave womanhood. Their discussions reflected both the long‐term development of ‘free womb logic’ in Brazilian slavery and emancipation, and tendencies by the 1880s abolitionist movement to make emotive, ‘feminised’ appeals for elite women to sympathise with enslaved mothers. The article explores how women of colour used elite discourses about freedom, maternity and womanhood in order to achieve freedom, but also contested and reshaped them as they sought to bring their own lived meanings to freedom.  相似文献   

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太行革命根据地,是中国共产党在抗日战争爆发后,为了在华北敌后坚持持久的抗日游击战争,发展抗日力量,消灭和驱逐日本侵略者而建立的重要的战略基地之一。1937年11月,太原刚刚失陷,根据中共中央和毛泽东主席关于创立以太行山脉为依托的晋冀豫抗日根据地的指示,在中共中央北方局、八路军总部的领导下,八路军一二九师、一一五师三四四旅同中共冀豫晋省委(中共太行区党委的前身)紧密配合,在山西牺牲救国同盟会、山西青年抗敌决死队。冀西民训处等密切协同下,发动和依靠广大人民群众,发展抗日武装,建立抗日民主政权,团结一…  相似文献   

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While many works have examined urban mortality rates in nineteenth-century Europe, much less attention has been placed on disease patterns in the peripheral areas surrounding these population centers. This study demonstrates that during the Swedish diphtheria epidemic of the early 1880s, mortality rates among children living in the industrial parishes on the outskirts of the town of Sundsvall exceeded those found in the town itself. The epidemic was fueled by the mass in-migration of laborers and their families from distant provinces who sought work in the region's sawmills. Thus, in contrast to the common pattern of disease entering through a port city and spreading into the interior, in this case diphtheria followed the paths of migrants through the rural parishes of the Sundsvall region to the sawmills and then finally into the town itself. This spatial pattern was reversed in the late fall when migrants returned home. Conflicts within the medical profession regarding how best to prevent or contain diphtheria, popular suspicion and distrust of local physicians, and the introduction of the disease into a population with no prior contact with it, all helped increase the number of young corpses.  相似文献   

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