共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Vicky Morrisroe 《Journal of Victorian Culture》2013,18(1):25-45
E.A. Freeman is remembered today as a confident proponent of English superiority, whose historical writings were distorted by mid-Victorian prejudices in favour of the Aryan race. This perspective privileges some of Freeman's ideas and works above others, and obscures the complexities of his view of the past which only fully emerge through an examination of his two neglected works on the East: The History and Conquests of the Saracens (1856) and The Ottoman Power in Europe (1877). In analysing Freeman's obscure Oriental volumes this article uses the insights of Edward Said who argued that the West exploits the East according to contemporary exigency and consistently represents the Orient as ‘other’. It demonstrates that Freeman composed the Saracens and Ottoman Power in direct response to Britain's support of the Ottoman Empire during the Crimean War and Eastern Crisis, and re-arranged the past to represent the Turk as distinct from, and inferior to, the West. Freeman's account of the distinctiveness of the Orient, however, suggests the need to revise literature on Western approaches to the East which has assumed that antagonism towards Islam declined in the modern period, or was masked behind narratives that purported to be secular and objective but which continued to empower Europe and subjugate the Orient. Juxtaposing Freeman's narratives on Western and Eastern history, I argue that his association of Christianity with European progress and Islam with Eastern barbarism is key to understanding his deep fear of cultural contact with the Orient. Far from bolstering the strength and power of the West vis-à-vis the East, Freeman's account of the fearful barbarity of the Islamic Orient is underpinned by his belief in an anti-Christian, Judeo-Islamic, conspiracy that threatened the West with degeneration and recapitulation. 相似文献
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《The Journal of Pacific history》2012,47(1):27-57
The historical context in which Fiji's Deed of Cession was formulated satisfied the necessary conditions for British annexation and included safeguards for Fijian land rights. Both Fijian and English texts implied that the incoming government would respect Fijian custom. For over 60 years, Fijians benefited from a special administrative status in territorial government, restrictions on land alienation and privileged access to departments of the colonial executive. But Fijian commoners were disadvantaged in education, and resisted payment of head taxes. The tax crisis exposed the inability of chiefs to grapple with reform of local government. Faced with electoral competition in the post-war period, Fijian leadership took refuge in a racial view of political legitimacy, derived from an interpretation of the Deed as a ‘charter’ of Fijian rights. After independence, Fijian need for reassurances about preferential treatment in a parliamentary democracy was fuelled by commoner dissatisfaction with Alliance administration and by a political party formed by the Council of Chiefs. This faction provided a considered ideology for a racial view of ethnic ‘sovereignty’ in a plural society by ignoring the issue of citizenship and over-emphasising the role of the monarch in the language of the Deed. Other commentaries have also favoured an anachronistic interpretation of the political legacy of the Deed, but none of the post-1987 regimes has adopted its terms in Fijian municipal law. Such a suggestion has been made, however, as a defence of commoner rights against Fijian government agencies on the model of the Waitangi Tribunal. 相似文献
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Alban Bouvier 《Revue de synthèse / Centre international de synthèse》1998,119(2-3):307-322
This paper claims to show the relevance of the classical book by Richard H. Popkin from the point of view of a sociological and anthropological analysis of the collective processes of doubt and assent. This examination implies, however, that we analyse the fine differences between the history of ideas, the sociology of knowledge, the ethnology of beliefs and epistemology. The examination deserves to be carried out as well for the understanding of the increase of scepticism in the 17th century as for the spread of the wave of contemporary relativism. The latter certainly has to be distinguished, as Popkin suggests, from a form of moderate scepticism close to critical rationalism. 相似文献
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James R. Akerman 《Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography》2014,66(2):21-43
AbstractThe study of the history of cartography in the United States has been profoundly shaped by the peculiar American institution sometimes known as the ‘treasure house’. These libraries, located in major metropolitan areas and at prestigious universities, were created through the philanthropy of businessmen of local and national significance, most of whom also collected maps and books. The collecting patterns of these philanthropists and the institutions they helped to found emphasized materials (including maps) relating to American history and culture before 1800. This emphasis on pre-nineteenth century holdings tended to marginalize the historical study of most post-1800 cartography in the United States until the middle of the twentieth century. At the same time, as a case study of Chicago’s Newberry Library shows, the development of these collections was flavoured by the civic and regional pride of their host communities and the aspirations to be regional, national and global metropolises. 相似文献
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Meighen McCrae 《War & society》2013,32(4):320-333
The United States, Britain, and France’s discussions on how to achieve victory over the enemy reveal how widespread was the notion that the war would have to be carried into 1919 in order to ensure a military victory over the German army. With the British, political pressure to maintain a sizable army combined with the over-estimation of the abilities of the enemy meant that many considered victory only possible in 1919. The Americans were determined to expand their army substantially to play a leading role in the 1919 campaign; however, they had to negotiate what constituted a realistic contribution. Behind these deliberations stood the French who were promoting the idea of a decisive 1919 campaign and pressuring their co-belligerents to make the greatest possible commitment to ensure a victorious outcome. 相似文献
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Arash Khazeni 《Iranian studies》2019,52(3-4):639-640
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AbstractThis article concludes the special issue on the history of humanitarian aid by reflecting on the role of memory and history in relation to humanitarian aid. To address a special issue as a conclusion is to embrace the opportunity to reflect on its papers, aims and ambitions. It is also for us an opportunity to reflect on the role history has for a community of practice often forging ahead in response to the latest demands and emergencies. Historical thinking is now coming into greater salience for the world of humanitarian aid because, we argue, the ‘humanitarian sector’ has grown and aged – and professionalized and institutionalized. 相似文献
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《Northern history》2012,49(1-2):152-159
Documentary evidence describes how in 1549, during the suppression of the chantries under Edward VI, the medieval chapel in Malham township was destroyed. Combining this evidence with aerial photographs and geophysical surveys, a potential site for the ancient chapel and cemetery was identified. Between 2015-2017 archaeological excavations confirmed that this site was the ancient chapel. The notes update the original article about Malham chapel in Northern History, 52 (2015), which was written before the excavations began. 相似文献
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Richard J. Golsan 《Modern & Contemporary France》2013,21(3):299-311
This article assesses Tzvetan Todorov's intellectual evolution from structuralist literary critic to ‘responsible intellectual’. It contrasts his notion of the responsibility of the intellectual with traditional definitions of commitment, and analyses why for Todorov figures such as Camus, Aron, and Tillion are exemplary, whereas Communist intellectuals are not. The article examines Todorov's positions vis‐à‐vis current crises and controversies, including the bombing of Kosovo, the validity of the ICT, and America's war in Iraq. Finally, it discusses Todorov's ideas for a stronger and more independent Europe as articulated in his most recent book, Le Nouveau Désordre mondial. 相似文献
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