A typology of representative institutions in late medieval Europe

This article attempts to follow the tradition established by Hintze and Elias in comparing several aspects of representative institutions throughout medieval Europe. It uses numerous recent case studies and a new more detailed examination of the Low Country sources and it tries to take into account the criticisms levelled at the rather unsophisticated generalizations of earlier scholars. Attention is given to the structure of the institutions, their actual working and their functions.Comparisons are made whenever the available information permits, if possible by quantification, although our information is often too vague and incomplete to permit this. A number of ideal types are formulated as a working hypothesis for further investigation, based on the social structures within which these types of institutions functioned. The essential variables were the extent of urbanization in a particular territory, the form of government and the economic and juridical situation of the nobles and peasants.     

A typology of representative institutions in late medieval Europe

This article attempts to follow the tradition established by Hintze and Elias in comparing several aspects of representative institutions throughout medieval Europe. It uses numerous recent case studies and a new more detailed examination of the Low Country sources and it tries to take into account the criticisms levelled at the rather unsophisticated generalizations of earlier scholars. Attention is given to the structure of the institutions, their actual working and their functions.Comparisons are made whenever the available information permits, if possible by quantification, although our information is often too vague and incomplete to permit this. A number of ideal types are formulated as a working hypothesis for further investigation, based on the social structures within which these types of institutions functioned. The essential variables were the extent of urbanization in a particular territory, the form of government and the economic and juridical situation of the nobles and peasants.     

潮汕与中国传统侨乡：一个关于移民经验的类型学分析

广东的潮汕地区、江门五邑地区和兴梅(即梅州)地区,以及福建的福州地区、浙江的青田都是中国的传统侨乡。本文试以潮汕侨乡为重点,选择江门五邑、梅州、福州、青田等侨乡为参照,分析在全球化时代的背景下,中国传统侨乡的新移民浪潮所展现的各自的不同特点和道路。并在此基础上,对侨乡的移民经验进行类型学分析,对当代中国侨乡人口国际迁移的特征、类型和发展趋势进行探讨。     

战后美国对法国向现代消费社会转型的影响——一种文化视角

在20世纪期间,源于美国的现代大众消费文化对其他国家的发展产生了巨大影响,法国便是其中比较有代表性的国家.第二次世界大战之后,美国大众文化在法国得到了更为广泛的传播,促使法国人消费理念的变化,成为法国大踏步地迈入现代大众消费社会的主要原因之一.然而法国传统的生活方式并没有因为进入现代大众消费社会而发生本质上的变化,只不过是多了些现代生活的气息而已.     

Picking Up The Pieces of A Shattered Dream: Quebec and French America

Contrary to the commonly held belief that following the British conquest, French Canadian society limited itself to a clearly defined geopolitical realm conceived as a stronghold into which a defeated people withdrew to build its future, Québécois civilization has been doggedly continental in scale. Events of recent years, including the successes and failures of the Quiet Revolution and the results of the 1980 referendum, lend credence to this view. Today Quebec remains both of and apart from the North American continent, hometoa web of kin that has been spun to even the most distant corners.     

The commentariat and discourse failure: language and atrocity in Cool Britannia

Recent terrorist events in the UK, such as the security alerts at British airports in August 2006 and the London bombings of July 2005 gained extensive media and academic analysis. This study contends, however, that much of the commentary demonstrated a wide degree of failure among government agencies, academic and analytic experts and the wider media, about the nature of the threat and continues to distort comprehension of the extant danger. The principal failure, this argument maintains, was, and continues to be, one of an asymmetry of comprehension that mistakes the still relatively limited means of violent jihadist radicals with limited political ends. The misapprehension often stems from the language that surrounds the idea of 'terrorism', which increasingly restricts debate to an intellectually redundant search for the 'root causes' that give rise to the politics of com placency. In recent times this outlook has consistently underestimated the level of the threat to the security of the UK. This article argues that a more realistic appreciation of the current security condition requires abandoning the prevailing view that the domestic threat is best prosecuted as a criminal conspiracy. It demands instead a total strategy to deal with a totalizing threat. The empirical evidence demonstrates the existence of a physical threat, not merely the political fear of threat. The implementation of a coherent set of social policies for confronting the threat at home recognizes that securing state borders and maintaining internal stability are the fi rst tasks of government. Fundamentally, this requires a return to an understanding of the Hobbesian conditions for sovereignty, which, despite the delusions of post-Cold War cosmopolitan multiculturalism, never went away.