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This article analyses the gravity and reasons for the crisis currently affecting the French Socialist Party. Going beyond the electoral disasters of 2014, it situates this crisis within the context of the destabilisation of the French party system due to growing divisions on the left and on the right caused by the evolution of the European Union in the current context of economic crisis. The left/right cleavage that structures the functioning of the political system is being called into question by an alternative cleavage that increasingly opposes the supporters of European integration against their opponents. The cross-cutting nature of these two cleavages will henceforth prevent the left from uniting on a programme of government. Within the Socialist Party itself this phenomenon is a factor of serious division and, as a result, makes the government's parliamentary base more fragile. It further deepens the long-standing differences on economic policy because of the explicit choice made by the Socialist government in favour of a supply-side approach. The Socialist Party seems to have arrived at the end of a political cycle where it will have to make choices that it has postponed for many years, with the risk of breaking up and with the threat of starting an electoral and political decline that could ultimately deprive it of its status as a party of government.  相似文献   

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From 1940 to 1942, a number of French scientists take refuge in America with their families. They are part — often not being aware of it — of a rescue program organized from New York by two of their colleagues. Henri Laugier and Louis Rapkine, with the help of the Rockefeller Foundation (financial and logistic). Reconstitution of the different stages that paved way to an applicant for exile proves that the Vichy government did not prevent, as a rule, the temporary departure of French intellectuals, even if Jews. As for the United States, they made easier the reception of the only scientists who could enrich durably the American intellectual life.  相似文献   

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In his writings between 1941 and 1951, Michael Polanyi developed a distinctive view of liberal social and political life. Planned organizations are a part of all modern societies, according to Polanyi, but in liberal modernity he highlighted dynamic social orders whose agents freely adjust their efforts in light of the initiatives and accomplishments of their peers. Liberal society itself is the most extensive of dynamic orders, with the market economy, and cultural orders of scientific research, Protestant religious inquiry, and common law among its constituents. Liberal society and its dynamic orders of culture are, Polanyi explained, directed at transcendent ideals (truth, beauty, and justice). He saw knowledge, rules of practice, and standards of value in these orders as being preserved in traditions that inform and constrain the initiatives of their members. Investing faith in a cultural enterprise, Polanyi's agents choose to act responsibly, dedicating their freedom to an ideal end. They are custodians and cultivators of the heritage of their dynamic order.  相似文献   

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This article shows how a movement for gender parity in politics, distinct from the second-wave women's liberation movement, formed in the 1990s, and how the subsequent parity reforms, which public opinion strongly favoured, gained support among political elites. It highlights the triumph of a conception of democracy based on the idea that political representation is to be shared between two equal and different sexes. Nevertheless, what appears to be a common sense victory, namely, the establishment of a universalism finally made real by the increase in the number of women in elected assemblies, is in fact ambiguous, especially when considered in relation to the feminism of the 1970s.  相似文献   

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This article reviews three recent books on the history of the late nineteenth-century French anarchist movement—one by the French historian Vivien Bouhey and the other two by American scholars, Alexander McKinley and John Merriman. It replaces these works in the context of a renewed interest in the study of the anarchist movement, as an early example of transnational terrorist organisation, and as a relevant field of application for the historiographic concepts of network and transnationalism. In conclusion, it highlights the differences between French and US approaches to the study of anarchism, and evidences the limits of the ‘transnational turn’ in this particular historical field.  相似文献   

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In 1909, the colonial newspaper La Dépêche coloniale launched an enquiry entitled La Littérature coloniale de la France comparée à celle d'Angleterre. It was through this initiative that the idea of a ‘French colonial literature’ first caught wider public attention and generated polemics in literary circles and beyond. The aim of this article is to study the aesthetic and ideological agendas driving the enquiry and the polarised reactions it produced, from a sociological perspective inspired by Pierre Bourdieu's work. The author argues that La Dépêche coloniale's questionnaire encoded a set of assumptions designed to guide the answers and impose a vision of colonial literature, rather than elicit debate. One of the respondents, Pierre Mille (1864–1941), preferred provocation: in a piece published in a high-circulation daily Le Temps ahead of the results of La Dépêche coloniale's enquiry, he proclaimed Rudyard Kipling to be the model colonial author, only to conclude that French colonial literature was inexistent. The ensuing debate marked a watershed in the conceptualisation and the institutionalisation of French colonial literature, by setting in motion a process that would be brought to completion in the interwar period.  相似文献   

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Les intellectuels français ont-ils connu, à la fin du siècle dernier, une crise ? Ce diagnostic vint du milieu intellectuel lui-même, qui, affaibli par la perte de crédibilité des systèmes de pensée associés aux confrontations idéologiques de la guerre froide, voyait dans la montée en puissance d'une culture médiatique de nouveaux leaders d'opinion brouillant les contours de la mouvance culturelle jusque-là essentiellement constituée d'hommes et de femmes venus de la sphère de l'imprimé. D'une certaine façon, le pathos l'a en effet emporté sur le logos, discours construit et analyse argumentée des problèmes posés à une société. A cet égard, la crise des intellectuels est à la fois un reflet et un accélérateur de la crise des démocraties représentatives, dont le fondement était l'examen raisonné et la concurrence raisonnable des possibles et dont le fonctionnement risque d'être parasité par les palpitations successives d'opinions publiques en proie à des émotions liées aux bruits et aux fureurs de la culture médiatique, devenue elle-même, de plus en plus, une culture-monde.  相似文献   

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This article reviews the factors determining whether the ecology movement in France has been a success or a failure. Broadly speaking the French ecology move ment - l'écologisme français - came into existence to fulfil a dual ambition. First, through its incursion into the political arena - an incursion initially thought of as temporary - its purpose was to force other political parties and public bodies to pay greater attention to environmental issues. Second, in the swirl of ideas following May 1968, its ambition was to become a 'politics of the future': among other things, it would strive to displace the other parties and undermine or redefine the traditional divide between the Left and Right. These and other concerns are analysed in order to assess what role 'ecologism' plays in France today. This article is based on the author's latest book, L'introuvable écologisme français (PUF, 2000).  相似文献   

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This article explores the dynamic interplay between memory and forgetfulness in three French classical tragedies: Cinna, Andromaque, and Britannicus. Corneille envisages forgetfulness as a political virtue in Cinna: Auguste's clemency represents not only the redemption of the political misdeeds of his enemies but also their conversion from rebellion to submission. Moreover, the emperor's magnanimity conjures the notion of historical myth, his transcendence of guilt, and his profound need to detach himself from his criminal identity. Andromaque highlights, on the contrary, the tragic inability of protagonists to escape the powerful hold of the past on their conscience. Memories of the Trojan War continue to obsess them. Whereas Pyrrhus calls into question his heroic identity and winds up rejecting it, Andromaque takes refuge in the mythic past of Troy and remains forever wedded to the horrific images of the war's carnage. Racine emphasizes the deep-rooted influence of the historical past in Britannicus: Agrippine incarnates the aging matriarch bent on recapturing her glorious past but remains obsessed with the tragic dimension of time, which will result in her ultimate fall from power. Néron exemplifies the would-be virtuous emperor incapable of escaping from the tragedy of genetic determinism. By centering attention on the sheer decadence of Rome and the ignominious reign of the “monstre naissant,” Britannicus stands in direct opposition to Cinna, which clearly belongs to the heroic tradition of French classical tragedy.  相似文献   

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Astronomical data issued from observatories find multiple uses on land, as well as on sea. Due to their structure and periodicity, scientific reviews are particularly adapted to peer review and sharing of data between astronomers as well as between astronomers and hobbyists. During the 19th century regional observatories first gather together professionals interested in the practical applications of the observations and later, under the influence of personalities such as Camille Flammarion, they bring together a larger non-professional audience. Being the epicentre of scientific exchange, the reviews have in the 20th century found their place on the websites of academic institutions as well as users forums.  相似文献   

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This article analyses French parliamentary elites' perceptions of gender parity in politics. In particular, it examines the debates that took place in the National Assembly and the Senate between 17 June 1998 and 28 June 1999 with regard to the constitutional bill on women and men's equal access to elected office. These debates, which primarily sought to determine whether to modify article 3 or 4 of the Constitution, highlight the main preoccupations of proponents and opponents of parity, notably: popular sovereignty, republican universalism versus communitarianism , the modernisation of political life, equality between female and male citizens, and, finally, the role of parties in representation and the selection of elites. In the conclusion, questions are raised about representative democracy and, above all, women's role in political representation.  相似文献   

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