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Oisín Keohane 《Nations & Nationalism》2013,19(2):317-336
This article argues against the dominant Anglophone and Francophone interpretation of Fichte, which reads him as advancing either a form of ethnic or cultural nationalism. It claims that what is missing from the current reception of Fichte is the essentially philosophical and cosmopolitan character of his nationalism – the fact that the Addresses to the German Nation uses non‐empirical and cosmopolitical concepts to develop and articulate its nationalistic viewpoint. It therefore claims that the notion of a national philosophical idiom that the Addresses present, far from being a screen for its nationalism, is its driving engine. It does this by considering the problems of translating the German locution ist unsers Geschlechts. Consequently, it is claimed that the cosmo‐nationalism of Fichte is not reducible to a set of claims regarding ethnicity or even the empirical world, even if a discourse on the organismic, on what counts as life, irreducibly haunts the Addresses. 相似文献
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Annemarie van Heerikhuizen 《European Legacy》2008,13(4):401-411
This article traces the development of European ideas of peace and unity from the time of Desiderius Erasmus to Immanuel Kant. The argument will be made that these ideas, which were initially strongly determined by Christian religious thinking, gradually changed, and from the seventeenth century onwards were put forward in more political and legal terms. Erasmus's way of reasoning about peace and war was still strongly influenced by his firm orientation on the New Testament and the teachings of Jesus Christ. Emeric Crucé, a French writer, was of the opinion that all human beings in the end had God in common, and so had to live peacefully together. Duc de Sully was one of the first not to argue as a religious man but as a politician: a system of balance of power could bring international stability. According to the English Quaker William Penn and the French Abbé de Saint-Pierre only the acceptance of international rules of justice could produce everlasting peace. Immanuel Kant finally directed attention to the form of government and to the founding of a federation of free republics. So God seems to have disappeared from Europe?…?but with what consequences for today? 相似文献
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Donald R. Hill 《Reviews in Anthropology》2013,42(1-4):109-117
Levine, Donald N. The Flight from Ambiguity: Essays in Social and Cultural Theory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985. x + 248 pp. including figures, appendix, references, and index. $25.00 cloth. Overing, Joanna, ed. Reason and Morality. New York: Tavistock Publications, 1985. viii + 277 pp. including figures, chapter references and notes, name indèx, and subject index. $35.00 cloth, $15.95 paper. Sperber, Dan. On Anthropological Knowledge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. viii + 107 pp. including notes, references, and index. $24.95 cloth; $8.95 paper. 相似文献
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David d’Avray 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(8):1003-1018
A distinction between hard-to-shake but rational convictions, on the one hand, and the rationality that calculates causal and logical consequences, on the other hand, can generate questions for the history of ethics. Most moral thinkers draw some such distinction but the contours of the line differ greatly, and, in drawing the line, past moral thinkers tend to be influenced by their own deeply held principles, which in turn tend to reflect their social world. Questions about where the line between values and instrumental calculation are drawn and about the effect on this of the moral thinkers own social world are applied by way of illustration to Thomas Aquinas and Kant. The paper attempts to use Weberian social theory to elucidate a theme in the history of ethics, making every effort to keep the two kinds of theory distinct. 相似文献
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