共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Marjorie Perlman Lorch 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2016,25(2):188-203
Throughout his medical career, Robert Dunn (1799–1877) published a number of clinical cases with postmortem reports involving acquired language disorders, with the first noted in 1842. He developed a physiologically informed approach to psychological function during the 1850s along with a group of notable colleagues Benjamin Collins Brodie, Henry Holland, Thomas Laycock, John Daniel Morell, and Daniel Noble. He was also active in ethnographic research on human origins and racial diversity. As such, Dunn represents an interesting player in the developing fields of neurology, psychology, and anthropology in England in the latter part of the nineteenth century. These various strands converged at the meeting of the British Association of the Advancement of Science in 1868, where Dunn shared the program of lectures on the cutting-edge topic of aphasia with Paul Broca (1824–1880) and John Hughlings Jackson (1835–1911). Dunn’s ideas developed over a longer time frame than his younger colleagues and as such represent a unique blending of concepts from the earlier work of Franz Josef Gall (1758–1828) and Jean-Baptiste Bouillaud (1798–1881) to the perspectives on language organization in the brain developed after 1861. 相似文献
2.
Mervyn Eadie 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2018,27(2):107-116
There was an increasing medical interest in the localization of representation of function in the cerebral cortex after Broca in 1861 identified a cortical area that appeared responsible for expressive speech. By the late 1860s, John Hughlings Jackson—based on clinico-pathological correlations mainly in persons with focal motor seizures—had reasoned that contralateral somatic motor function was represented in another area of the cortex. This localization was supported by Fritsch and Hitzig (1870) in experimental cortical stimulation studies in dogs. These authors also reported producing events resembling contralateral motor convulsing in their animals. Their work, and Jackson’s ideas, prompted David Ferrier, in Great Britain, to begin a program of cerebral cortical stimulation studies in various vertebrate species, trying to locate cortical sites of representation of functions other than expressive speech and motor activity. In his initial report of his investigations (1873), he noted that appropriately sited Faradic stimulation evoked immediate or delayed contralateral focal motor seizures, some of which evolved into generalized convulsions. On this basis he reasoned that focal motor and generalized seizures were expressions of the same disorder; that nearly all epilepsies originated in the cerebral cortex and not in the lower brain stem, as hitherto thought; and that the clinical pattern of epileptic seizure phenomenology depended on the function of the cortical site of origin and the extent and direction of spread of seizure activity in the brain. He not only provided experimental verification for Jackson’s reasoning about epileptic seizure mechanisms but expressed the ideas a good deal more clearly than Jackson ever managed to do. Ferrier’s achievement in this regard has tended to escape notice, lost sight of because of the great importance of his investigations into localization of cerebral function. 相似文献
3.
In the 1850s Delasiauve and Russell Reynolds independently introduced the idea that the previously more inclusive concept of “epilepsy” should be restricted to that of an idiopathic disease manifesting epileptic seizures not caused by detectable brain pathology. This idea was rather widely accepted, though with some modification, over much of the next century. However there was increasing opposition to the idea from those, including John Hughlings Jackson, who perceived that all epileptic seizures must be symptoms of underlying brain disease. With increasing identification of structural brain pathology in what had been regarded as instances of idiopathic epilepsy, the latter view has increasingly prevailed. 相似文献
4.
Douglas J. Lanska 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2019,28(2):122-146
ABSTRACTThe metallick Tractors were patented by Elisha Perkins, a Connecticut physician, in 1796, for the treatment of various ailments, particularly those associated with pain. They were subsequently rapidly and widely disseminated on the basis of testimonials and aggressive marketing tactics. Dissemination was facilitated by endorsements from prominent physicians, politicians, and clergy, by quasi-theoretical explanations of efficacy based on then-current experiments of Galvani and others, and by the apparent simplicity and safety of the procedure. Abandonment of this ineffective therapy was later prompted by the application of blinded placebo-controlled trials using sham devices. 相似文献
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6.
Martin N. Raitiere 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(4):357-367
Herbert Spencer, the nineteenth-century philosopher, has frequently been dismissed as a “fantastical hypochondriac” (as his most recent biographer, Mark Francis, terms him). Yet he left a record in his Autobiography of symptoms that suggest a very different diagnosis. Abruptly at age 35, he found that the activity of reading, previously indulged in without difficulty, triggered paroxysmal episodes of disturbing “head-sensations” including “giddiness” (so Spencer described them); these severely curtailed his ability to carry out his philosophical studies. Of all possible explanations for such episodes, none seems as likely as reading epilepsy. Enduring preconceptions about Spencer's presumed neurosesmay have kept modern historians from appreciating that Spencer suffered from a legitimate, if esoteric, neurological malady. 相似文献
7.
George K. York III 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(3):283-290
In the twentieth century the method of identifying pathology in patients with aphasia has fluctuated between localizing and holistic theories. The practical localization of sensation and voluntary movement became a clinical commonplace in the beginning of the century, but the mental component of aphasia made its localization controversial. In Paris before the war, Pierre Marie made the localization of aphasia the centerpiece of his personal feud with Jules Dejerine. After the war Konstantin von Monakow used the phenomenon of recovery from aphasia to support his holistic views of localization. Henry Head, in a 1926 study that remains influential today, took a neo-Jacksonian approach to localization and the physiology of language. Kurt Goldstein led the postwar anti-localizationists, asserting that physicians must look after the whole person and that brain function was inherently unified. Norman Geschwind reflected 1960s physiological thought in analyzing aphasia as a type of disconnection of distinct functional areas. In the twenty-first century the localization of aphasia remains dependent on theory, with competition between holistic and localizing ideas. 相似文献
8.
Malcolm Macmillan 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(1):24-56
This paper contains Part II of an evaluation of the claims made for the priority of Macewen’s pre-1884 brain surgery over that of Bennett and Godlee. Although the primary sources – Macewen’s Private Journals and the Ward Records of the Glasgow Royal Infirmary – confirm that the operations were carried out when Macewen said they were, problems with the sources make it difficult to evaluate the extent to which he actually used knowledge of localization in all seven operations. What remains of the case material on the operations is examined, the accounts in unpublished sources and published versions compared, and Macewen’s use of knowledge of localization bearing on the claim for his priority evaluated. Part II concludes with citations from archival correspondence and the contemporary and near contemporary medical press confirming Macewen’s priority. 相似文献
9.
Charles G. Gross 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(3):320-331
In 1870 Gustav Fritsch and Edvard Hitzig showed that electrical stimulation of the cerebral cortex of a dog produced movements. This was a crucial event in the development of modern neuroscience because it was the first good experimental evidence for a) cerebral cortex involvement in motor function, b) the electrical excitability of the cortex, c) topographic representation in the brain, and d) localization of function in different regions of the cerebral cortex. This paper discusses their experiment and some developments in the previous two centuries that led to it including the ideas of Thomas Willis and Emanuel Swedenborg, the widespread interest in electricity and the localizations of function of Franz Joseph Gall, John Hughlings Jackson, and Paul Broca. We also consider the subsequent study of the motor cortex by David Ferrier and others. 相似文献
10.
J. Wayne Lazar 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(4):442-460
Three American neurologists (C. K. Mills, C. L. Dana, and M. A. Starr) explored the anatomical limits of the motor and tactile systems in the brain from 1884 to 1895. Their papers and critiques of one another show contemporary knowledge, limits of their thinking, and difficulties deciding between alternatives. The issue for them was whether there were separate sensory and motor regions or whether there was a combined sensory-motor region. They based their localization arguments on clinical and laboratory findings and on the conclusions of H. Munk and D. Ferrier. There is a discussion about why differences were unresolved. 相似文献
11.
J. Wayne Lazar 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(3):304-311
This paper shows the relative influence of Ferrier and Hitzig on American and British interest in cerebral physiology in the early 1870s. Although Hitzig published three years before Ferrier, Ferrier was more influential. Evidence comes from multiple sources: numerical trends in citations to Fritsch and Hitzig in British and American publications showed an increase after Ferrier's work. Hitzig's work was primarily discussed in the context of Ferrier's work. Ferrier's work was more impressive than Hitzig's work to American and British contemporaries. Ferrier's work was applicable to medical issues. The secular press failed to popularize Hitzig's work. Was national pride evident? 相似文献
12.
Colin L. Talley 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(3):250-265
Neurologists have retold a story about the discovery of multiple sclerosis (MS) in essentially the same form from the 1870s to the present. Upon close analysis this narrative was found to be problematic. Once the nosological category of MS came into existence in 1868, physicians reread the scientific past through this new category and created a linear story. Following generations received this story uncritically, rereading the past through the conceptual lens of their own times. Writers selected the earlier cases, illustrations, and medical writings in the literature for inclusion in the discovery narrative and did not analyze them in their original historical contexts. The author offers an alternative account of the discovery of MS. The creation of the disease category of MS by Charcot in France was the result of several converging factors including a new histopathological technology, a unique relationship between patient and physicians in the clinic, a unique relationship between the clinic and the autopsy room, and a neurological culture emphasizing disease specificity. 相似文献
13.
J. Wayne Lazar 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(4):366-376
This paper explores the implications of an early criticism of the stimulation studies of Fritsch and Hitzig and Ferrier for localized brain functions. Fritsch and Hitzig and Ferrier concluded that motor centers reside in the cortices of the hemispheres. Their studies were replicated, but their conclusions were not generally accepted initially. The most salient, laboratory-based criticism was that the electrical current used for stimulation diffused well beyond the cortex making their conclusion of cerebral motor centers unacceptable. The diffusion argument was essentially a French suggestion. Ferrier's and American research and interpretations provided data and arguments against it. 相似文献
14.
Mervyn Eadie 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2019,28(3):319-331
A quarter of a millennium ago, Samuel Tissot (1728–1797), a Swiss physician who had achieved a substantial European reputation, authored a monograph entitled Traité de l’épilepsie. The book was translated into several European languages and appeared in various editions over the following 70 years, although an English-language version was never published. In his Traité, Tissot provided a thorough account and critical analysis of the previous relevant literature concerning epilepsy, added data from his own experience in practice, and raised issues, some of which remain important today. The appearance of the book was propitious, occurring during the period of the European Enlightenment, when medicine was increasingly divesting itself of ancient modes of thinking and veneration for the opinions of great names from the remote past. At least in Western Europe, the Traité de l’épilepsie became an intellectual launching pad for the considerable expansion in knowledge of epilepsy that occurred over the century or longer that followed its publication. 相似文献
15.
Samuel Graber 《American Nineteenth Century History》2013,14(2):141-164
This article outlines the political agendas surrounding the dedication of the Stonewall Jackson Memorial Statue, an early Confederate monument commissioned in Britain in 1863 and unveiled with much fanfare in Richmond, Virginia in 1875. It argues that the statue’s British provenance made it an ideal means of expressing the distinctive claims of the Conservative Party of Virginia. By commemorating both General Jackson and Britain’s Confederate sympathizers, modernizers in the Conservative Party presented themselves as representatives of an Anglo‐Saxon Christian value system, guardians of the “Old Dominion’s” immemorial character, and defenders of political views that held national and international significance. Thus the Conservatives dedicated an international monument to a transatlantic and implicitly racist cultural tradition as part of their larger effort to facilitate Virginia’s integration into the reconstructed national union on terms favorable to the former Confederates. 相似文献
16.
David A. Steinberg 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(3):254-256
Although many individuals contributed to the development of the science of cerebral localization, its conceptual framework is the work of a single man—John Hughlings Jackson (1835–1911), a Victorian physician practicing in London. Hughlings Jackson's formulation of a neurological science consisted of an axiomatic basis, an experimental methodology, and a clinical neurophysiology. His axiom—that the brain is an exclusively sensorimotor machine—separated neurology from psychiatry and established a rigorous and sophisticated structure for the brain and mind. Hughlings Jackson's experimental method utilized the focal lesion as a probe of brain function and created an evolutionary structure of somatotopic representation to explain clinical neurophysiology. His scientific theory of cerebral localization can be described as a weighted ordinal representation. Hughlings Jackson's theory of weighted ordinal representation forms the scientific basis for modern neurology. Though this science is utilized daily by every neurologist and forms the basis of neuroscience, the consequences of Hughlings Jackson's ideas are still not generally appreciated. For example, they imply the intrinsic inconsistency of some modern fields of neuroscience and neurology. Thus, “cognitive imaging” and the “neurology of art”—two topics of modern interest—are fundamentally oxymoronic according to the science of cerebral localization. Neuroscientists, therefore, still have much to learn from John Hughlings Jackson. 相似文献
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18.
Jeffrey Normand Bourdon 《American Nineteenth Century History》2013,14(2):177-201
Serving as America's only female newspaper editor during the election of 1832, Anne Royall became possibly the first public “Jackson Woman” by supporting the chief executive's bid for re-election in her sheet titled Paul Pry. A closer look at Royall's recollections from her travels in Alabama from 1818 to 1822 shows her to be a blooming “Jackson Woman” developing before the Jackson party was even conceived. In 1828, Royall's Black Books produced a scathing indictment of American society. Both the Adams and Jackson campaigns actively recruited her for their mud-slinging contest but she declined. Three years later Royall started printing Paul Pry. The Black Books and Paul Pry gave Royall a public voice, and she was not afraid to use it. Between 1818 and 1832, Anne Royall went from being a Jackson admirer to being a public Jackson woman. 相似文献
19.
Excavations at Punta Secca, Sicily (Italy), in 2008 uncovered a substantially built tomb of ca ad 625/630 inside a private house and accompanying evidence for libations and funerary feasting in honour of the deceased. Inside the tomb were the skeletal remains of an adult female aged approximately 20/25 years and a child aged approximately 3/5 years. DNA analysis showed the child to be female and the adult and child to have been consanguineous. Archaeological and epigraphic evidence demonstrates that they were Christians. The cranium of the adult female showed an enlargement of the central portion of the occipital bone and a circular depression that terminated in a bifurcated foramen (diameter 3.25 mm). The former is likely an instance of occipital bunning; the latter is the first attested example of atretic cephalocele from an archaeological context. Tombs do not normally occur in ancient houses, and the hypothesis is advanced that the individual may have suffered from medical side effects, such as seizures, which caused rejection of the adult female by the local Christian community but veneration of her by her family as a holy woman. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
20.
Over 580 fish species are known for Port Jackson, site of the first British colony of New South Wales. When the British arrived in January 1788 they encountered Aboriginal people who gained a substantial part of their diet from fish. Aboriginal fishing technologies (e.g. spears, shell fishhooks and small canoes) were documented by colonial writers. The British brought metal fishhooks, seine nets and larger boats, and after AD1788 fishing was important to both Aboriginal people and colonists. Given the diversity of fish in Port Jackson, and differences between Aboriginal and colonial fishing technologies, our paper discusses archaeological and documentary evidence for the impact of technology on the types of fish caught by Aboriginal people and colonists before and after AD1788. We compare archaeological fish bones from Aboriginal sites in coastal Sydney with those from the Quadrant historical site in Broadway, Sydney, and discuss methodological challenges raised by these kinds of analyses for Sydney regional archaeology. Technology explains some fish bone assemblage variability but colonisation, cultural attitudes, commercialisation and urbanism are also important. 相似文献