Putin,national self-determination and political independence in the twenty-first century

This contribution focuses on the right of nations to self-determination after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It suggests that sovereignty and territorial integrity are not as secure as once thought. A number of articles and statements issued by Vladimir Putin are analysed to identify nationalist themes which he uses to reject Ukraine's right to exist outside the Russian state. Key themes include a primordial account of national origins, the conflation of state and nation, and a refusal to recognise a right to self-determination of territories that had once been part of Russia. Putin's nationalism draws on imperial nationalism, state nationalism, revanchism and majoritarianism to underwrite his claims. Such views are widespread among established states, contributing to the instability of the contemporary world. It is argued that a reconfiguration of the relationship between state and nation is long overdue, as is the inflexible nature of territorial integrity.     

The Biafran secession and the limits of self-determination

The Biafran secession crisis raised a series of profound and unanswerable questions about the nature and limits of self-determination, state sovereignty and African decolonization. A wide range of actors—both supporters and opponents of Biafra—viewed the Nigerian civil war and Biafra's attempt to carve out a new state as an important moment in the history of self-determination as a political and legal principle. Likewise, the collapse of Biafra seemed to offer a series of lessons for movements asserting their right to self-determination, as well as for those seeking to limit its application, suggesting the open-ended and contested nature of the concept even as it was institutionalized in the fabric of international human rights law. Ultimately, however, Biafra's failed secession attempt could only highlight the ambiguity and contested nature of sovereignty and self-determination in the international system, and the ability of groups such as the Igbos to exploit their indeterminacy in an effort to achieve their aims.     

Border guarding and the politics of the body: an examination of the Finnish Border Guard service

In previous studies, the question of the state control over the bodies of people at border-crossing points has been of great interest, while less attention has been given to the bodies that carry out border surveillance and control. This article introduces a new perspective on the study of the state and gender by examining the imaginations and rationalities of state border guarding and the politics of the body in the Finnish Border Guard (FBG) service. By taking the body politics and gendered relations of border guarding as an analytical starting point, this study takes a step forward toward ‘feminizing’ the study of borders and border securitization. The article scrutinizes the depictions, articulations, and conceptualizations of the work competence in border guarding and the performances of female border guards in the official media of the FBG organization, as well as discusses how the interrelations of border guarding and body politics become structured around questions concerning masculine romantics, the (in)capacities of female officers and the embodied nature of border monitoring. The study shows the pervasive, and also controversial, nature of gendered imaginations and rationalities in the domain of border guarding in contemporary societies.     

Territorial origins of center-seeking and self-determination claims in Africa

Why doesn't Africa have more self-determination movements? Given the prevalence of weak states, artificial borders, and high ethnic diversity, one might expect that the majority of African rebel groups would pursue self-determination outcomes. Yet, the data indicate that most rebel groups have attempted to capture the state in center-seeking conflicts rather than to break off a piece of it. Why? In this study, we argue that the exogenously determined territorial size of the country in which new groups emerge shapes whether groups pursue center-seeking or self-determination outcomes. We argue that the size of the territory determines the overall cohesion of the state, which then shapes the political imagination of the group, affecting how an emerging rebel group conceives of itself and its constituents relative to the state. We also argue that the size of the territory shapes the perceived feasibility of either center-seeking or self-determination outcomes. Drawing from a recent dataset on rebel group emergence, we find support that rebel groups emerging in large states are more likely to seek self-determination than rebel groups in small states. We test multiple alternative arguments and find that our results are robust to them as well as additional testing specifications.     

Transboundary conservation and militarized interstate disputes

Advocates of transboundary conservation argue that borderlands can be a source of cooperation between neighboring states that previously engaged in conflict. It has been stated that, by opening negotiation channels based on environmental issues, jointly managed cross-border protected areas can promote and reinforce harmonious relations between contiguous states. We explore this assertion by empirically testing how transboundary protected areas (TBPAs) are related to militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) between contiguous states. Through the use of global data on protected areas and MIDs, we find that TBPAs tend to be established between countries that have previously been engaged in MIDs. We also find some evidence that TBPAs can be related to a more peaceful co-existence between neighboring countries in Africa, Middle East, and Asia.     

Conflict management of riparian disputes

This paper builds on a large literature that explores the linkages between resource scarcity and interstate conflict. Focusing on competing claims over cross-border rivers, we analyze peaceful and militarized techniques used by states to manage river claims, and compare the success of these techniques for resolving the issues under contention. We focus on two key factors to account for variance in the use and effectiveness of conflict management strategies: water scarcity and institutions. We argue that high levels of water scarcity increase the frequency of explicit claims over fresh water, increase the chances of militarized conflict over these claims, and make it more difficult for conflict management institutions to be created or to be effective. We also examine the role of peace-promoting institutions, both river-specific and general institutions, arguing that institutional membership should promote peaceful attempts to resolve river claims. Analyzing data on river claims (1900–2001) from the Issue Correlates of War (ICOW) Project, we find that greater water scarcity increases the likelihood of both militarized conflict and peaceful third party settlement attempts, while river-specific institutions reduce militarized conflict and increase the effectiveness of peaceful settlement attempts.     

合作与冲突：劳资纠纷中的资本家阶级

20世纪上半叶劳资纠纷日趋激烈.在认知层面,资本家阶级高倡劳资合作主义,鲜有例外.无论是以发展中国实业为抱负,抑或以追求利润最大化为目的,劳资合作,共谋发展,对资方都有利而无害;但作为不同的阶级、阶层或利益群体,劳资两方自有天然的矛盾和冲突,在实践层面,资方往往能本合作主义之精神,做出某种程度的妥协,求得冲突的缓和或解决,但亦不乏坚持顽抗者.资方是否做出妥协,主要取决于对其利益得失的权衡.     

Observations on the China-Nepal Border

BACKGROUND:The China-Nepal border extends for 1400 kilometers with a total of 79 general markers and 98 border wood markers that are stretched over seven counties as well as the Ngari     

中共创建时期党内的几次争论

中国革命有着自己的特点,这在创建时期党内的几场争论中大都有所反映.然而从这些争论的结果来看,对中国革命的一些基本问题,党显然还没有形成统一的明确认识.这使得中共对于理论准备不足情况下,怎样建设马克思主义的政党,以及在非无产阶级群体中,如何建成工人阶级的先锋队,这两大与生俱来问题的解决大大地延误了.     

辽代边墙考

在今日呼伦贝尔草原北部地区有一道边墙 ,起自内蒙额右旗上库力村附近 ,经俄国后贝加尔、内蒙满洲里市、新巴尔虎右旗入蒙古人民共和国 ,全长 70 0余公里。以往学者大多认为为金代所修。作者经过多次踏查 ,结合有关文献记载 ,认为该边墙系辽代统治阶级为防止乌古、敌烈、黑车子室韦等族的侵扰而修的一道边墙。