安徽农村改革的来龙去脉

有人说：中国的改革从农村开始,农村的改革从安徽开始。从20世纪60年代开始,安徽先后进行了“田间管理责任制加奖励”（即“责任田”）、“家庭联产承包责任制”（即“包产到户”）、“土地家庭承包经营制”（即“包干到户”或“大包干”）及“农村税费改革”的试验和改革。     

安徽六十年代的“责任田”与七十年代的“大包干”

安徽曾先后发生过两次农村改革：一次是以曾希圣为首的省委所试行的“责任田”;一次是以万里为首的省委实行的农业“大包干”。后一次改革,作为一个信号,迎来了我国社会主义各项事业的改革,并取得举世瞩目的巨大成就。但前一次改革,同样是一次伟大创举,     

追忆当年参加包产到户调查

正农村改革已40年,忆起改革开放初期参加包产到户调查,仍觉回味无穷。安徽掀起包产到户热潮时,江苏天天大广播:"不许包产到户妖风刮到江苏来。"其时江苏省委在派人暗中调查。首批是省农委处长朱培才等一行去泗洪。他们见到大包干的农户丰收,"大包干,最简单,交足国家的,留足集体的,剩下的都是俺自己的"。回省汇报,概括起来是四个字:"平安无事"。但人民日报又发了社论《不准     

参与推行“责任田”的回忆

中共十一届三中全会后,安徽农村成为“大包干”的发源地。人们往往把“大包干”同安徽1961年的“责任田”联系起来,于是在出版物上有关“责任田”的历史资料和回忆文章多起来了。这些材料,我都愿意看,因为当年我也曾参与过这件事。在看的过程中,也启发我把自己的点滴经历写出来。1960年11月3日,中共中央发出《关于农村人民公社当前政策问题的紧急指示信》,基本内容是以纠正一平二调的“共产风”为重点,包括浮夸风、命令风、干部特殊化风和对生产的瞎指挥风在内的“五风”,规定了12条政策。安徽省委为了贯彻《紧急指示信》,对“五风”刮得比…     

60年代初安徽实行责任田始末

５０年代末６０年代初，由于工作失误，我国出现了严重经济困难局面。安徽是重灾区。为扭转这种形势，中共安徽省委大胆推行了“田间管理责任制加奖励办法”——责任田。１９６１年全省８５％以上的生产队实行了责任田。责任田对转变困难局面起了巨大作用，虽然历时不长，...     

国外公共考古学研究现状综述

公共考古学的概念自20世纪70年代提出以来,"公共"(Public)一词的含义一直都是公共考古学研究的核心问题。"公共"蕴含着国家和公众两个不同的维度,根据"公共"一词包含的不同价值取向,国外公共考古学的研究经历了政府参与、公众参与、公众导向等三个不同的阶段,这对中国公共考古学的定位于"面向公众的考古学"提供了理论支撑。     

为中央农研室“打工”

年少时作文开头难,总是写"光阴如箭",如今到了"奔八"之年,才真正体会到如箭如梭的境界。今年是从农村改革开始的改革开放30周年,写此杂感以志纪念。发端于安徽的大包干,与之接壤的江苏泗洪、盱眙等县首先波     

上塘公社推行“大包干”的前前后后

1978年9月8日,江苏省泗洪县上塘公社党委毅然决定,在当时中央文件还不许可的情况下,在全公社三级干部大会上号召广大党员干部率领3.6万农民破体制、分田地、搞改革,开了当代中国农村以公社为单位公开、全面推行"联产承包制"的先河,比现在公认的中国"最早实行大包干"的安徽小岗村联产承包改革还早将近90     

邓子恢保荐责任田

1960年代,围绕责任田问题,中共中央一直有着比较激烈的论争,这其中,主管农村工作的《邓子恢保荐责任田》,更是一波三折。他数次谒见毛泽东,直述责任田的好处,毛泽东说“我受了一个半钟头的训”;他据理力争,却一再被斥为“右倾”、“刮单干风”。40多年后回顾这场风波,仍然引人深思。     

"故事"与"古史":贯通20世纪二三十年代 "疑古"和"释古"的一条道路

一般认为20世纪二三十年代"疑古"与"释古"两条学术路向分别代表了破坏古史和重建古史两条不同的路线。这一看法大体成立。但二者在观念上也有不少相通乃至相同的地方。一方面,"重建派"学者在研究中也运用了与顾颉刚非常相似的"层累说"观察古史的构成,而历史研究中的"故事眼光"更成为贯穿"疑古"和"释古"的一条道路。另一方面,"疑古派"在辨伪过程中也发展出来一些与"重建派"非常相似的具有建设意义的观念,但因其给人留下的"破坏"的形象过强而被忽视了。     

统购统销政策的取消与中国农村改革的深化

中国的改革开放是从农村开始的。在农村改革的第一步即实行以"大包干"为主的家庭联产承包责任制取得一定成效后,必然要求改革农村商品流通体制,变革农村的产业结构,取消实施已久的农产品统购统销制度,建立新型的农村发展体制。目前国内学术界对农村改革起步阶段的研究相当重视,并取得了许多成果,而对农村改革第二阶段的研究则相对薄弱。本文在梳理相关资料基础上,对农村统购统销制度改革中的若干问题进行分析,揭示中国农村改革的曲折性与反复性,展现中国共产党领导中国人民矢志改革的坚定决心、追求国强民富的信心及冷静处理改革中出现的新问题的能力。     

20世纪五六十年代包产到户合法地位缺失的多维分析

在当代中国,执政党的指导思想、政治路线及相应的重大决策对社会的发展变迁具有决定性的意义。20世纪五六十年代,包产到户曾经一而再、再而三地兴起,但最终都沉寂下去。究其原因,从理论角度分析,包产到户在传统的社会主义理论中找不到相应的支撑;从经济角度分析,包产到户“有悖”于国家工业化的战略部署;从领导决策因素分析,包产到户没能取得全党特别是最高决策者的认同。     

The Politics and Administration of Privatization: Contracting Out for Corrections Management in the United States

Shrinking budgets and the emergence of "new public management" and other market-based reforms have put increasing pressure on many governments and government agencies to use contracting as a means of service delivery. This essay suggests that contracting should be viewed as a multistage affair, in which both political and administrative actors make key decisions at different stages of the process. It also hypothesizes that these actors weigh the political and instrumental motivations for contracting differently and, therefore, that the relative importance of these factors varies depending on the stage of the contracting process. An empirical analysis of corrections management contracts in the American states provides significant evidence for these assertions.     

Capacity and regulations against overloading of commercial ships in Byzantine and Islamic maritime practices

The article deals with the methods employed in the Byzantine and Islamic worlds during the seventh to early eleventh centuries to compute the ship capacity at a time when a uniform system did not exist in the Mediterranean world. It describes the responsibility of central and provincial authorities for inspection, construction, and registration of mercantile ships, sheds light on the arrangement of loading, and provides legal solutions to two fundamental questions: How did judicial authorities handle cases of overloading of ships when they were brought to court? Or, what did they advise the contracting parties to do when overloading was discernible while the ship was still berthed or underway?     

Risk and Private Military Work

Abstract: To date geography has paid scant attention to private military contracting. Other disciplines have studied the topic, but their work is state‐centric. In this paper I examine private military contracting through a geoeconomic lens and make four arguments. First, the heightened security risks of the contemporary era cannot be explained solely as a result of states’ decision to cede their monopolies over the means of violence. We must also examine the private military firms that have created new monopolies and the strategies they use to manage and distribute risk. Second, the industry has increased risk in the world system by offloading security risks onto their employees. This “responsibility over rights” management model provides inadequate human rights training and battlefield adjudication procedures for contractors and civilians alike. Third, the geography of private military work does not always conform to the global division of labor between north and south. Instead, private military work creates a class of work that cuts across social and geographic divides. Finally, while activists should encourage states to regulate the industry, they should also push it to reform employment practices since private military firms are increasingly global in scope.     

Regulatory Federalism and Environmental Protection in the United States

In this paper we address two aspects of regulatory federalism in U.S. environmental policy. First, we suggest that environmental quality in U.S. states responds positively to increases in income. Second, we provide evidence that environmental quality did not decline when President Reagan's policy of new federalism returned responsibility for many environmental regulations to the states. Thus, state environmental quality appears to reflect more than just the dictates of federal policy. Additionally, we find that a "race to the bottom" in environmental quality did not materialize in the 1980s.     

Municipalities as Governance Network Actors in Rural Communities

The concept of rural network governance can include different practices, and it is important to gain insight into governance role formation processes. The ability of rural municipalities to effectively perform their role as governance network actors is significantly influenced by municipal organization and norms. Small differences can have big consequences and lead municipalities into different types of governance network roles. This is important to consider in situations where rural communities are facing imbalances and the municipalities increasingly are expected to engage in new roles and take more responsibility for local development. Effective strategies for using local network structures can help rural communities achieve sustainable development. We develop four different governance network models and discuss how the municipal authorities and citizen groups in two rural communities in Setesdal, Norway, perceive the current governance role of the municipality as well as their views on how this role ideally should be performed. We conclude that explanations for the different strategies relate mainly to norms and processes that are endogenous to the communities, which may indicate that rural municipalities have a great deal of autonomy in deciding how to use local network resources.     

A special responsibility to protect: the UK,Australia and the rise of Islamic State

In the summer of 2014 Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) emerged as a threat to the Iraqi people. This article asks whether the UK and Australia had a ‘special’ responsibility to protect (R2P) those being threatened. It focuses on two middle‐ranking powers (as opposed to the US) in order to highlight the significance of special responsibilities that flow only from the principle of reparation rather than capability. The article contends that despite casting their response in terms of a general responsibility, the UK and Australia did indeed bear a special responsibility based on this principle. Rather than making the argument that the 2003 coalition that invaded Iraq created ISIS, it is argued that it is the vulnerable position in which Iraqis were placed as a consequence of the invasion that grounds the UK and Australia's special responsibility to protect. The article addresses the claim that the UK and Australia were not culpable because they did not act negligently or recklessly in 2003 by drawing on Tony Honoré's concept of ‘outcome responsibility’. The finding of a special responsibility is significant because it is often thought of as being more demanding than a general responsibility. In this context, the article further argues that the response of these two states falls short of reasonable moral expectations. This does not mean the UK and Australia should be doing more militarily. R2P does not begin and end with military action. Rather the article argues that the special responsibility to protect can be discharged through humanitarian aid and a more generous asylum policy.     

从"正常化"走向"睦邻友好"--1989～1992年中苏(俄)关系简析

1989～1992年是中苏(俄)关系史上一个重要的时期,它包括三个阶段:中苏关系实现正常化(1989年);中苏关系过渡到中俄关系(1991年);建立睦邻友好原则(1992年).在这三个阶段中,"正常化"是核心,它贯穿其间,使三个阶段紧密相连.中苏关系之所以实现"正常化"主要是由国际形势的变化和两国的国家利益所决定的.此外,灵活的政策运用在处理"三大障碍"问题上发挥了重要的作用,为中苏关系正常化的最终实现创造了不可或缺的条件.中苏关系正常化,对后来的中苏(俄)关系产生了深远的影响,其中最重要的就是确立了新型的国家关系,使两国关系经受住了国际形势风云变幻的考验,奠定了两国关系稳定发展的基础.     

Inequalities,responsibility and rational capacities: A defence of responsibility-sensitive egalitarianism

This article aims to defend responsibility-sensitive egalitarianism by arguing for the rational capacities-based principle of responsibility as a plausible conception of an agent's responsibility for inequalities caused by his or her choice in responsibility-sensitive egalitarianism. I show that the rational capacities-based principle of responsibility is not only philosophically defensible as a conception of genuine choice, but also promising enough to ward off two common worries which cast doubt on responsibility-sensitive egalitarianism (qua luck egalitarianism): first, the rational capacities-based principle of responsibility allows the assignment of differential degrees of responsibility to rational agents in proportional terms, which may make it echo the adverse effects of their childhood environments. Second, its proportional construal essentially allows that nobody possesses a full degree of rational capacities. This enables responsibility-sensitive egalitarianism to refute the harshness objection.