日本海外投资立国及投资趋向

二次大战以来,日本发展国内经济一直采取“贸易立国”的战略,而且在短期内一跃而上,成为世界上仅次于美国的第二经济强国。但近年来日本开始逐步改变这一战略,转向“海外投资立国”,为此正在有计划有步骤地向海外扩大投资。海外投资的缘起日本在长期的经济发展中,逐步建起了独具特色的“整套的自给型的工业结构”。同西方发达国家     

论冷战期间美国的“隐蔽行动”战略

“隐蔽行动”是冷战期间美国对苏联东欧等社会主义国家实施的主要战略之一,是服务于遏制大战略的一个重要子战略。冷战爆发后,面对苏联的激烈反击,杜鲁门政府很快制订了这一战略予以抗击。之后美国历届政府都继承实施了这一战略。随着冷战格局的变化,美国隐蔽行动的发展大体经历了四个阶段。作为美国冷战战略库中的一件重要武器和遏制大战略体系中的一根重要支柱,隐蔽行动战略的实施对促使苏东裂变、美国赢得冷战起了不可忽略的重要作用。     

西方关于中国对非洲石油战略观点评析

近年来中国在非洲地区的石油贸易与投资合作蓬勃发展,非洲已成为中国石油进口的重要来源地。这种状况引起了西方各界的密切关注。西方各界围绕中国对非洲石油战略及其对全球石油安全与非洲地区政治经济发展的影响展开了争论,形成了"批评论"与"赞同论"两种观点并提出了相应的政策与建议。尽管争论各方有其内在的立场与诉求,但对该问题的争论反映出西方各界对中国对非洲石油战略和中非关系的矛盾心态。     

第一次石油危机中日本对中东政策的转折

在第一次石油危机期间,中东产油国把石油武器不仅对准支持以色列的美国等国家,也对准了持“中立”政策的日本等国家。日本一方面面临中东产油国不断加大压力,国内经济出现混乱,另一方面担心得罪美国而影响日美同盟关系,不敢轻举妄动。最后,为了维持以石油为主要能源的日本经济正常运转,日本政府不得不放弃“中立”政策,转而公开支持阿拉伯国家正义事业,并且提供巨额资金及技术援助中东有关国家,加强与中东有关国家关系,确保中东石油平稳供应。     

二战爆发前国民政府外交综论

如果要用几个字简要地概括抗战前期国民政府的抗日战略的话,“苦撑待变”恐怕是最合适不过的了。这一战略包含着两个方面的意义:一是在国内战场上坚持抗战,顶住日军的进攻;二是在外交战线上等待和促成有利于中国的变化。形成反对日本侵略的国际阵线。因此,“苦撑待变”既是军事战略又是外交战略的指针。本文将探讨国民政府是如何在外交战线上实施这一战略的。     

从“橙色”计划到“彩虹”计划——太平洋战争前美国的战略演变

第一次世界大战之后,美国军方制定了以亚太地区为主要战略取向,以打败日本为目标的“橙色”战争计划。这一战略方针坚持了23年,直到太平洋战争爆发前,才正式被以“先欧后亚”大战略为基础的“彩虹5号”战争计划所代替。本文拟揭示这一战略演变的全过程,以期为进一步研究美国的军事战略发展和第二次世界大战中的美英军事合作提供必要的说明。     

新疆与香港经济合作的前景和向西推进战略的实施

新疆与香港经济合作的前景和向西推进战略的实施秦放鸣马新智一、“积极向西推进”战略的提出及背景众所周知,自８０年代中期以来,我国在区域发展上实质实行的是在梯度开发战略下的沿海优先倾斜发展战略。这一战略给予沿海九省区的不仅是资金与项目的重大投入,更提供了...     

论俄罗斯的石油经济

俄罗斯联邦的石油经济,是在俄罗斯帝国及苏联石油经济基础上形成的,石油外交主要通过石油公司实施。俄罗斯石油外交呈现出与苏联石油外交不同的特点。俄罗斯联邦时期石油外交主要由国家掌控;石油公司的对外石油贸易兼有实现国家外交政策目标的重任;国际石油贸易中俄罗斯与其他国家之间争夺与合作并存。石油经济对俄罗斯的经济、政治、外交影响很大。石油出口刺激俄罗斯经济的增长,石油政治与石油外交既影响俄罗斯外交政策决策,也受到对外战略的制约。后冷战时期,俄罗斯以石油扩张弥补地缘政治的削弱,但国家经济过分依赖石油出口也带来负面影响。     

对坚持实施生态保护第一战略的几点思考

坚持实施生态保护第一战略,是由青海生态的战略地位决定的。这一战略是我国生态文明建设的重要组成部分,也是青海生态文明建设的根本要求。要把这一战略落到实处,必须首先要解决对经济社会发展要有准确的认识、把进一步解放思想落在实处、明确中央政府和青海政府在生态保护与建设过程中的职责三个问题。     

京瓷公司的双赢战略

稻盛和夫从事企业经营四十余年,取得了辉煌的成就。双赢的战略思想是稻盛和夫经营哲学的一个主要方面,也是京瓷公司取得成功的重要原因。“反稻盛事件”是京瓷公司双赢战略形成的契机。双赢主要表现在劳资双方的双赢和公司与竞争对手的双赢。本文将就京瓷公司的双赢战略展开论述,通过实例分析这一战略的特点以及在京瓷发展史上的作用。     

日本在“东亚共同体”建设中面临的困境

“东亚共同体”构想是一度作为东亚经济牵引车的日本酝酿已久的重大经济外交方针,但这一构想却因在现实中面临着诸多困境而在实践中举步维艰。日本亚洲认同意识的摇摆不定、东亚地区政治安全机制的匮乏、对美优先的经济政策方针和东亚区域经济结构性障等都成为束缚日本推动“东亚共同体”构想的重要羁绊,束缚着日本“东亚共同体”建设的实践。     

建设以非洲地理研究为特色的非洲学——南京大学非洲地理研究成果回顾与展望

论文全面回顾了南京大学非洲地理研究发展的历史,从自然地理、能源地理、农业地理、矿产地理、工业地理、人口与城市地理等方面总结了南京大学非洲地理的重要领域。指出了当前研究的困境与不足,并探讨了今后南京大学非洲地理研究应关注的重点。     

South Africa’s trade in cultural goods and services with a focus on cultural trade with BRICS partners

ABSTRACT

As the potential for cultural and creative industries to drive growth and job creation is increasingly recognised, developing countries like South Africa are examining their cultural goods and services trade in a new light. This article investigates the pattern of South Africa’s cultural trade, with a focus on the strategically important BRICS trading bloc. Results show that, like many small, open developing countries, South Africa has a significant cultural goods trade imbalance, especially with China and India. While cultural trade policy is still somewhat fragmented, there are indications that where policies have been put in place, such as in the crafts and audio-visual sectors, progress in reducing significant deficits has been made. At the same time, the pattern of CCI trade preferences currently favours SADC, the EU and EFTA over BRICS partners. Finally, South Africa performs well in a number of services sectors for which cultural trade is important.     

ELECTRIFYING AFRICA: AN ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY WITH POLICY IMPLICATIONS

The European Union anticipates alleviating future energy shortages and fulfilling renewable energy mandates by importing “green” electricity from Africa. Historical precedent and environmental consequences have largely been ignored. This article presents an environmental history of African electricity generation at a continental scale, tracing its parallel developments with colonialism, as well as its pursuit in the independence eras of development assistance and neoliberalism. Initially electricity served European interests. Independent governments' development policies involved electrification primarily for industrial development; in North Africa, universal access was also a priority. Recurrent themes and cycles of environmental constraint, environmental disruption, and displacement of consequences from one ecosystem to another are addressed. Highlighted are inter‐relationships among electricity generation, fuel supplies, ecosystems, and water cycles. Late twentieth century technologies and globalized markets re‐valued African rivers and deserts as potential energy sources. Mega‐engineering projects were rejuvenated or proposed. Rural electrification was labelled uneconomic social welfare unrelated to economic development policies of selling power through national, regional, continental and intercontinental interconnections. Historical analysis suggests new areas of research for sustainable development and alternatives to declensionist narratives. Decentralized, small‐scale plants offer models of electricity supply for industrial and domestic needs, while investment in rural electrification produced measureable economic benefit at national levels. Will the EU renewable energy mandate simply displace Europe's environmental problems to Africa? Can Africa afford another water‐intensive export commodity? Will the New African Century follow well‐established patterns of exploitation, or take new, sustainable directions?     

促进还是抑制:中国对非直接投资的对外援助效应

论文聚焦中国对非援助与对非直接投资的不确定性关系,将援助细分为社会基础设施援助、实物资本援助、经济基础设施援助、政府和民间社会援助四种类型,构建了援助与投资的解析模型;基于中国对非洲52个国家的援助项目数和直接投资项目数,利用分位数回归方法,分别考察了中国对非援助项目总量及各类型援助在对非直接投资项目中的作用。研究发现：①中国对非援助集中在东非、南非,援助项目总数、各类型援助项目数、对非直接投资项目的空间分布具有很高的相似性。②中国对非援助类型结构相对均衡,对非援助在中国对非直接投资中发挥着先锋促进效应。其中,经济基础设施援助的促进效应强劲、稳定,且强度随分位数提高有浅U型变动特征;实物资本援助、社会基础设施援助的促进作用分别在对非直接投资项目少、中等数量下促进效果显著;政府和民间援助的促进作用不显著。③友好城市关系、出口关系与双边政治关系分别仅在中国对非直接投资项目较少、中等规模、大规模情形下显著,空间关系的影响不显著。④受援国人口规模的促进影响最清晰、最稳健;成本规避、资源寻求、受援国的投资环境质量和腐败状况的影响尚不清晰。中国在非投资有追随他国投资区位的倾向,但这一倾向仅在经济基础设施模型中显著。     

抗战时期东南亚华侨在西南大后方的投资

抗战时期中国经济遭到严重破坏,在国民政府的吸引和爱国热情的激发之下,东南亚广大华侨积极回国投资支援大后方建设,为抗战的胜利作出了重要的贡献。本文对东南亚华侨在"大后方"投资的情况作了基本概述,对其投资的原因以及侨资企业的最后走向作了简单地探析,最后总结了其对"大后方"投资的意义。     

试析南非种族主义政权的区域“扰乱政策”

20世纪70年代,南非种族主义政权根据国际国内形势的变化制定了总战略。总战略在南部非洲区域层面体现在要将相关国家纳入南非控制的体系,而对拒绝接受控制的国家,南非则采取扰乱政策,对它们进行多种形式、不间断、低烈度的扰乱。南非的扰乱政策给这些国家造成了巨大的损失,也阻碍了整个南部非洲区域的发展。但是,随着种族主义政权的垮台,南非的这一政策最终归于失败。     

Anglo-Japanese Collaboration about Africa in Early 1960s: The Search for ‘Complementarity’ in the Middle of Decolonisation

By examining British and Japanese archival sources, this article brings alive the discourse on Japan–Africa relations in the early 1960s and evokes, on the one hand, the dilemmas surrounding Japan's attempts to expand its economic interests in a decolonising Africa and, on the other hand, the efforts of Britain to hold on to its interests in the region. In essence, the research shows how Japan kick-started its economic relations with the African countries in the post-war era and the initiative to ‘enrol’ the services of Britain in the process. This article also shows how keen Whitehall, on the whole, was about collaborating with Japan about Africa in search of complementary interests, perhaps along the same lines as in Southeast Asia in the 1950s. Eventually, Whitehall became exasperated about the initiative, not least because it felt that it had made all the running and the Japanese had contributed nothing.     

非洲港口城市分布特征及其港城规模关系比较

非洲港口城市是联结中非贸易网络的重要节点,承担了资源配置的重要功能。以城市地理学的角度,着眼于非洲港口城市发展现状。选取2015年集装箱吞吐量在5万TEU以上的34个非洲沿海港口城市为研究对象,对非洲主要港口城市的分布格局进行探讨。借助位序规模法则和相对集中指数（RCI）,对34个港口城市的体系分布特征,以及在不同尺度下的港城规模关系现状进行比较。研究认为：①非洲主要港口和城市体系满足位序规模特征,大洲尺度下主要港口体系较为合理,城市体系规模较为集中;②非洲大陆港口城市整体布局不完善,国家内部存在港口城市首位度过高的现象普遍;③部分港口城市港城规模脱节现象较为严重;④不同区域港口城市发展差异较大,表现为北非、南非港口体系较为发达,西非、中非港口规模落后于城市规模,东非港城规模较为均衡但缺少大区级港口。结合非洲港口城市发展特点,提出了中国企业开展对非港口投资的建议。     

From Old Practices to New Governance Models: Contractual Schemes in Africa’s Political Development

Drawing on various historical documents, the article uses process tracing methods and analytic narratives to establish a relationship between historical contractual practices and state formation in nineteenth-century East Africa. I trace the process through which local political leaders historically sought to secure monopolistic deals over trade with foreign entrepreneurs through incomplete contracts for tangible economic goods (arms and slave trades, manufactured goods) and intangible political goods or services (security, knowledge, independence). By showcasing agents’ bargaining strategies in contractual agreements, the article sheds light on notions of sovereignty and independence articulated through public contracting in Africa’s political development. Historical understandings of notions of independence and sovereignty by procurement practitioners in East Africa provide seeds for thought in controversial debates about government outsourcing today. Is outsourced sovereignty always threatening? Can we outsource sovereignty and remain independent? These are perhaps the most important conceptual queries that make East Africa’s historical contractual experience pertinent today as new public-private partnerships for development, including government outsourcing, increasingly call for the use of private means to solve public problems in the developing countries.