Orality and the reception of late Byzantine vernacular literature

Abstract

The starting point for this paper is the belief that orality has to be understood in a wider sense than is given to the term by the oral-formulaic theory of Milman Parry and Albert Lord. This is the more important when the field of study is medieval or modern Greece, societies far removed from what Walter Ong (1982: 31–75) has termed the ‘primary orality’ of a culture from which writing is absent. The oral formulaic theory, although excellent as a tool for the analysis of materials actually transcribed from oral performance, has come to be seen in the last fifteen years or so as an unwieldy and often unreliable yardstick for assessing the interaction of oral and written types of discourse. The insistence of the theory that for a text to be considered oral, the three processes of composition, performance and transmission should be simultaneous, imposes a definition of orality which is unjustifiably restrictive, and despite the well-intentioned efforts of Albert Lord and others to address the problem of the ‘transitional’ text, the method of analysis developed through close study of one particular oral tradition in Yugoslavia has proved disappointingly inflexible in its attempt to account for texts which are neither, according to its own definitions, truly oral nor fully literary (cf. Beaton 1987).     

Was Digenes Akrites an Oral Poem?

Abstract

It is often suggested that Digenes is in some way connected with oral poetry, whether the oral folk poetry of the modern ‘acritic’ ballads or the type of oral epic tradition identified by Milman Parry and A. B. Lord in the Homeric poems and in modern Yugoslavia. Some clarification of the possible role of oral tradition in the composition and transmission of Digenes now seems overdue, and in this paper I propose to examine the texts of the poem in the light of recent work on ‘oral literature’, so as to define more precisely in what sense any of these can be described as ‘oral’, and then, more tentatively, to suggest a possible framework for the growth and transmission of the poem which might account for these results.     

‘The Indian Gift’: A critical debate

In 1986 Jonathan Parry’s ‘The Gift, the Indian Gift and the “Indian Gift”’ claimed to overturn conventional understandings of Marcel Mauss, by arguing that market societies most idealize the distinction between gifts and commodities, and gift giving need not entail reciprocity. Based on an analysis of Hindu religious gifts, Parry proposed a broad framework for understanding how ideologies of exchange function in different economic and cosmological contexts. Thirty years later, this symposium considers the intellectual milieu in which The Indian Gift was written, and interrogates whether or not the work remains relevant to contemporary research and analysis. The symposium opens with a short introduction that provides some background to Parry’s essay and incorporates material from a recent interview with him. This is followed by critical comments on it by five influential thinkers on gift exchange: James Carrier, Chris Gregory, James Laidlaw, Marilyn Strathern and Yunxiang Yan. It ends with a short ‘revisionist’ note by Parry in which he tries to identify some of the limits of the Maussian approach for contemporary anthropology.     

“一带一路”倡议下中国与克罗地亚贸易投资合作研究

克罗地亚是马可·波罗的故乡,作为中东欧地区的重要国家、古丝绸之路的重要一站,对推动“一带一路”倡议的有效实施具有重要作用。本文基于2013—2020年中国与克罗地亚贸易投资合作数据,对“一带一路”背景下两国的贸易投资合作进展及其贸易投资中的互补性和竞争性进行分析。结论发现：中国在中国与克罗地亚的贸易投资合作中处于相对核心位置;中国与克罗地亚的贸易投资合作更具互补性,竞争性较弱,存在较大合作潜力。目前,中国与克罗地亚的贸易投资稳步发展,今后可进一步扩大中国与克罗地亚的贸易投资合作领域和范围,加强两国在优势产业、基础设施、旅游和服务外包项目等方面的合作。     

Thurlow, Eldon and Lyndhurst and the Management of the House of Lords

From 1783 to 1846 lord chancellors played an important role in managing the business of the house of lords. Not surprisingly, as the career of Lord Thurlow will illustrate, their position was not as strong as it had been before 1783 when the office of leader of the House was created. Before then a chancellor could manage the House by himself, as Thurlow did, and Eldon from 1801 to 1803 when there was no regular leader. Yet even when there was a leader, a chancellor could be a major force. Lord Grenville, the first strong leader, yearned for one who would play the role of an active second-in-command. Eldon played it, but more at the beginning than toward the end of his career. This was because of clashes with Lord Liverpool, who had been leader of the House before he became prime minister. But long since, Eldon had become a power in his own right as the revered head of the high tories. Lord Lyndhurst played the role to perfection because of his long partnership with the duke of Wellington, who trusted and admired him.     

战国至汉初的鄱君与鄱县、鄱阳县

结合出土和传世文献所见的鄱君、鄱县与鄱阳县,本文分析认为战国时期,楚国在古番(鄱、潘)国故地曾封有鄱君,又曾设立鄱县;秦统一后在这一地区设立鄱阳县,并以楚国的鄱君为县令;反秦斗争兴起后,鄱君吴芮以该地区为中心,集合黥布等人和前来归附的越人共同反秦;西汉前期,汉仍设有鄱阳县,其地望迁徙至今江西鄱阳县东部一带。通过对鄱地的微观研究,论文勾勒出了战国至汉初基层地方行政体系的一种演变过程。     

Sanitizing Szigetvár: On the post-imperial fashioning of nationalist memory

ABSTRACT

In this essay, I examine an early modern battle between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, the Siege of Szigetvár, and its protagonists, Nikola ?ubi? Zrinski and Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent, as sites of memory in Hungary, Croatia, and Turkey. In relation to recent commemorations of the Siege, I focus on how sanctioned memories of Szigetvár have been sanitized for national(ist) ends, evacuating fraught historical and political questions related to the enmity between the two empires. Concomitantly, I pursue the silences and erasures that hegemonic memories of the battle and its protagonists have produced, both in relation to specific landscapes of memory in Szigetvár and through an analysis of three narratives of the Siege: a Hungarian-language epic poem, a Croatian opera, and a Turkish television serial.     

Did Cecil Rhodes Really Try to Control the World?

A twentieth-century American historian claimed, in a posthumously published book, that Cecil Rhodes and Lord Milner plotted to take over the world by establishing secret societies, conniving with key British politicians, various lords of the realm and influential publicists. The Rhodes Scholarships are supposedly but one example of the long hand of their cabal. That both Rhodes and Milner favoured imperialism, and believed the world the better for inculcated British values, there can be no question. But were they conspiracists, as alleged? Or are the accusations based too much on suspicion and circumstantial evidence to be taken seriously?     

Tek Down Nelson! The Struggle for Repair in Barbados

In this article I explore how the decommissioning of the statue of Lord Horatio Nelson captures some of the ways justice is envisioned within Barbados. I ask: How does the decommissioning generate more attention to the reparations question? How is repair and sovereignty conceptualised through the performances that animated and structured the event? What do these performances suggest about the Barbadian geographic-historical foundation? I engage theorists of Black geographies and Black studies to work through the above questions. I do close readings of the performances featured in the ceremony, to illuminate how the decommissioning gestured to a range of histories and struggles that are punctuated by political transformation. My reading draws attention to how the statue's removal builds on regional demands for reparations and Barbadian struggles for sovereignty, which I argue are complementary aims.     

A late-medieval and post-medieval foundry in the historic centre of Dubrovnik Kasnosrednjovjekovna i novovjekovna ljevaonica u povijesnoj jezgri Dubrovnika

Abstract

An excavation on the site of the 'Gornji ugao' tower, in the north-west corner of the walled city of Dubrovnik, in Croatia, uncovered evidence for a foundry established in the second half of the 15th century and largely producing armaments. It is a rare example of this type of industrial site, and its position within the city walls makes it unique. Excavation has provided information on the technical subdivision and spatial logic of the site. Activity at the foundry ceased after the Great Earthquake in 1667, which devastated the entire city, although part of the site continued in use as a foundry, on a smaller and more improvised scale.

Arheolo?ka istra?ivanja provedena na lokalitetu Kula Gornji ugao, na sjeverozapadnom uglu povijesne jezgre Dubrovnika, dokazala su postojanje ljevaonice koja je po?ela funkcionirati u drugoj polovici 15. stolje?a. Spada u rijetke sa?uvane objekte takve vrste a smje?tena je unutar gradskih zidina ?to je ?ini jedinstvenim primjerom. Prona?eni dijelovi arhitekture ljevaonice omogu?ili su potpuno razumijevanje tehnolo?ke podijeljenosti i logike prostora. Upotreba ove ljevaonice na sjeverozapadnom uglu grada zamire nakon Velikog potresa 1667. Manji dio lokaliteta kasnije je ponovno u funkciji tako?er kao ljevaonica, no vi?e na improvizacijski na?in.     

Reforming asylums,reforming public attitudes: J.R. Lord and Montagu Lomax's representations of mental hospitals and the community, 1921–1931

Abstract

J.R. Lord and Montagu Lomax offered competing visions of the relationship between mental hospitals and the community in a decade when asylums were subjected to extensive official and public scrutiny. The background of both men arguably informed their divergent outlook on mental hospitals. Lomax's work targeted reform at mental hospitals, through public and governmental intervention. Lord, however, advocated a leading role for mental hospitals in community mental health, and called for reform of public attitudes and laws inhibiting mental hospital development. This paper suggests that Lord effectively inverted Lomax's core arguments, selectively focusing on aspects of social service and aftercare to present a more positive picture of mental hospitals. Targeting different (public/professional) audiences, Lord and Lomax each based their case for reform on a particular perspective of the public. It is argued that to appreciate their respective attitudes to asylums one must also consider their representations of the public.     

Structural Features of the Stone-Built T'ing-Pagoda

This article examines representations of Music Master Kuang in early Chinese historical and philosophical texts. Music Master Kuang was entirely blind, at a time when people with disabilities suffered serious discrimination. However, in spite of his handicap, he was able not merely to become a fine musician, but also served as a key advisor to two rulers of Jin, Lord Dao (r. 573–558 BCE) and his son, Lord Ping (r. 557–532 BCE), and in some texts is said to have acted as their prime minister. In achieving this transition, he is unique among Music Masters of the period. This article classifies the stories told about him into two main thematic groups, as a musician and as a statesman, to show the way in which music was related to statecraft through the persona of an individual who was both a highly respected government minister and a noted performer on the qin.     

‘Chatham's Ghost’ and the Enduring Spectre of Lord Bute's Secret Influence: A Political Negotiation of 1778

Hints about the rise, fall, and reformulations of ministries were common currency in 18th‐century British political rhetoric. However, in 1778, chief among such rumours were three purported negotiations between the earls of Bute and Chatham, aimed at bringing one or both of them into administration. So damaging were these rumours to the political legacies of both individuals and their families, however, that they resorted to a ‘press war’ in order to absolve their respective kinsmen of any involvement. Drawing on previously neglected sources, this work examines these negotiations of 1778 and the subsequent press war in order to highlight the longevity, potency, and significance of the myth of Lord Bute's secret influence 15 years after his resignation from high office. In doing so, this work seeks to correct the common narrative that Lord Bute ceased to be a potent political symbol for constitutional issues following the publication of Edmund Burke's Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents in 1770. Far from being merely an anomalous and spontaneous revival of ill‐sentiments towards Lord Bute, this episode should be seen as a flashpoint in a process of vilification and traducement of the Scottish earl that had never, in fact, ceased and was symptomatic of the continuation of symbolic, or hieroglyphic, depictions of arguments concerning the significant constitutional issues which had been raised by Bute's political presence since the accession of George III.     

General Roatta's war against the partisans in Yugoslavia: 1942

During General Mario Roatta's tenure as commander of the Italian 2nd Army in Yugoslavia, he faced a mounting Communist insurgency. To defeat the partisan forces of Tito, he resorted to proactive politics and a strategy of counter-insurgency. Owing to Italian military weakness and his army's lack of training in guerrilla warfare, Roatta was not averse to enlisting the services of Orthodox Serbs in Croatia, who the previous year had asked for Italian protection after a fearful massacre had been unleashed against them by Mussolini's handpicked ruler in Zagreb, the Croatian Usta?a leader Ante Paveli?. Against the wishes of the Fascist government in Rome, Roatta armed Serbs (called ?etniks) because they agreed to assist the Italian legions in fighting the partisans, their common ideological foe. But as Yugoslavia descended into civil war – one triggered by the Axis invasion – Roatta paid a price for his freelance pro-Serb politicking by alienating Zagreb, irritating the Germans, and dismaying his superiors in Rome. Italian policy was reduced to a tug-of-war between the Fascist empire-builders surrounding Mussolini and the military command in Yugoslavia, and Roatta became enmeshed in a cobweb of intrigues involving Croats, ?etniks and Germans. Apart from political manoeuvring, Roatta, in the ineluctable necessity of defeating the partisans, devised a detailed strategy of counter-insurgency. On 1 March 1942, he circulated a pamphlet entitled ‘3C’ among his commanders that spelled out military reform and draconian measures to intimidate the Slav populations into silence by means of summary executions, hostage-taking, reprisals, internments and the burning of houses and villages. By his reckoning, military necessity knew no choice, and law required only lip service. Roatta's merciless suppression of partisan insurgency was not mitigated by his having saved the lives of both Serbs and Jews from the persecution of Italy's allies Germany and Croatia. Under his watch, the 2nd Army's record of violence against the Yugoslav population easily matched the German. Tantamount to a declaration of war on civilians, Roatta's ‘3C’ pamphlet involved him in war crimes.     

A Crisis of Lordship: Robert Ogle,Fifth Lord Ogle,and the Rule of Early Tudor Northumberland*

Henry Tudor’s diffusion of power in the English far north, and his savage pruning of resources for his wardens there to maintain good rule and defence, were perhaps necessary steps initially to prevent further challenges from overmighty subjects. Twenty years later, this was no longer an issue; and once peace with Scotland collapsed, the absence of the region’s traditional ruling magnates was keenly felt. Under Henry VIII, an obscure border baron, Lord Ogle of Bothal, was often Northumberland’s only resident lord, precipitating a crisis of lordship described as ‘the decay of the borders’. Unable to recruit as warden a reliable magnate on acceptable terms, Henry VIII then decided that, as a matter of principle, he would ‘not be bound, of a necessity, to be served there with lords’. The King appointed himself as warden-general, delegating the real work to gentlemen deputy wardens whose manraed was enhanced by feeing other leading local landowners, including Lord Ogle. Ogle’s kin and connection thus supplied successive wardens with an adequate following in peacetime; but in the ensuing war Ogle was overwhelmed with his warden on Ancrum Moor, becoming the only nobleman in England under Henry VIII to die in battle.     

REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article: Charles I and the Road to Personal Rule. (Cambridge Studies in Early Modern British History.) By L. J. Reeve Algernon Sidney and the English Republic, 1623–1677. By Jonathan Scott The Imperial Challenge: Quebec and Britain in the Age of the American Revolution. By Philip Lawson Lord Grey 1764–1845. By E. A. Smith Whig Renaissance. Lord Althorp and the Whig Party 1782–1845. By Ellis Archer Wasson The Blind Victorian. Henry Fawcett and British Liberalism. ‘Pax Britannica’?: British Foreign Policy, 1789–1914. By Muriel E. Chamberlain British Foreign Policy in the Twentieth Century. By C. J. Bartlett     

The Metrical Structure of the Oral Decapentasyllable

Abstract

What Milman Parry saw as his ‘historical method’ in Homeric criticism has paradoxically relieved students of the Greek folk song from the obligation to approach their subject of study from an exclusively genetic or ‘etymological,’ – in a word, historical – viewpoint. Instead of having to search for – or rather to speculate about – the origins of Greek oral poetry in the mists of antiquity or to assess the extent to which a song can provide reliable historical evidence concerning past events, we are free to turn our attention, as scholars such as Roderick Beaton (1980) and Grigoris Sifakis (1988) have done, to a synchronic study of the folk-song tradition, concentrating as much on the rules that generate the songs as on the significance of actual samples collected in the field (or in the scholar's study or the recording studio).     

Nationalism,liberalism and liberal nationalism in post-war Croatia*

This article analyses ethnic nationalism and liberalism as expressed in the views of Croatians in the aftermath of the 1991–5 war – a war during which ethnic-nationalist rhetoric played a large role. Because the war was part of systemic change in the nation, including the adoption of more democratic and capitalist social formation, we also anticipated economic and political liberalism to be present among a sizeable portion of the population. We provide an analysis of the structural conditions fostering these sentiments, an analysis potentially applicable to a range of societies presently in transition. Based on 1996 survey interviews (N=2,202) conducted throughout Croatia, we show that ethnic nationalism in the Croatian context is more widely shared than is liberalism. The effect of religious fundamentalism, educational attainment and media exposure are as predicted, based on theories of liberalism and nationalism. Wartime experiences and position in the occupational system have a weaker and more mixed influence than hypothesised. Perhaps most importantly, we find that three out of five Croatians embrace both ethnic-national views and views that are distinctly liberal, suggesting that liberal nationalism is now dominant in Croatia. The characteristics of groups holding differing views suggest that recent events and current changes in Croatia bode positively for continued growth of liberal sentiments, but this will not necessarily be at the expense of ethnic nationalism.     

Book Review

Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network, Ari Ben-Menashe Trick or Treason: The October Surprise Mystery, Robert Parry     

Variety of Black and White Limestone Tesserae Used in Ancient Mosaics in Slovenia

This study concerns the microfacies characterization of white and black limestone tesserae from selected Roman floor mosaics in Slovenia, with the aim of defining their provenance. We investigated 42 tesserae from 15 different mosaics from the archaeological sites of Ljubljana, Izola, Mo?nje, Ptuj, ?rnomelj and ?entpavel, dated from the first century bc to the fifth century ad . Among the studied tesserae, 13 different microfacies were identified: eight black and five white. The most common were mudstones with ostracods (65% of black tesserae) and wacke‐packstones with miliolids (85% of white tesserae). The majority of the identified facies can be found in the Cretaceous successions of the Dinaric Carbonate Platform in south‐western Slovenia, north‐eastern Italy and south‐eastern Croatia, suggesting a regional or imported origin of the tesserae.