Confidence in Political Institutions in Canada and the United States: Assessing the Interactive Role of Region and Race

This article uses nationally representative sample survey data to assess the confidence of Canadians and Americans in four major state institutions: the police; the civil service; the federal government; and political parties. Long-standing arguments suggest that Canadians are more trusting of government than Americans. Results, however, indicate small national differences, with variations within countries being much more important, especially for regional and racial subgroups within each nation. Consistent with their traditional minority position in Canada, Quebecers stand out as having the least confidence of respondents in either nation. In contrast, and despite their minority position, nonwhites express more confidence in political institutions than do whites in both countries, especially in English Canada. One exception is somewhat lower confidence in the police among nonwhites, particularly in the northern United States. The findings demonstrate the need to go beyond an exclusive focus on national differences when comparing political attitudes and values in Canada and the United States.     

加拿大和美国对古巴政策的分歧

由于加拿大与美国的特殊关系 ,使得它在处理战后一些重大的国际事务时不得不与美国保持一致 ,但惟独在古巴问题上与美国相悖。美国一贯视拉美为后院 ,视古巴为共产主义在拉美的桥头堡。加拿大公开反对美国对古巴的封锁政策。古巴问题显示出加美对外政策的纠葛     

Rethinking Bureaucrats in the Policy Process: Criminal Justice Agents and the National Crime Agenda

Policy scholars have noted that bureaucrats can play an important role in defining policy alternatives. Few studies, however, examine the extent of their involvement in this process. This study contributes to public policy scholarship by offering a framework for understanding the strength of bureaucratic involvement in the process of defining problems and policy alternatives. Using witness data from congressional hearings on crime between 1947 and 1998, I find that federal, state, and local criminal justice bureaucrats have come to occupy a central role in the process of defining policy alternatives. In addition, I find that the centrality of criminal justice actors comes at the expense of interest groups, community organizations, and citizens/victims. Implications for criminal justice policy and understanding bureaucratic involvement in the policy process are discussed.     

近十年来美英两国学术界冷战史研究述评

冷战主宰了20世纪后半期的国际政治。在后冷战时期,许多国家的学者利用新获得的档案资料来仔细考察和重新评估冷战史。自从冷战国际史项目于1991年在伍德罗.威尔逊国际学者中心建立以来,冷战国际史这一概念,已经被广为接受。根据相关英文文献,对过去十年美英两国冷战史研究新发展、新动向以及冷战史研究现状,做一总结归纳。主要涉及以下几个方面:美国的主要冷战研究中心、研究冷战的资料来源和新的研究方法、学者们关注的热点问题及最新研究成果的介绍、英国冷战研究概况等。     

20世纪后期美国与澳大利亚移民政策差异性的政治理论分析

论文利用移民政治理论对20世纪后期美国与澳大利亚的移民政策进行比较,并对其差异性进行了分析。认为这两个主要的移民国家都推行了限制性移民政策,但因其移民政治中的"利益导向",受"权利"的制约程度以及移民政策制定程序的不同,从而导致两国的移民政策无论在内容上还是在实际收效上都出现了巨大的差别。据此可以预测两国未来移民政策的趋势:美国将继续在自由主义的道路上前行,而澳大利亚却可以根据国内外政治经济形势的变化灵活地调整移民政策。     

美国反托拉斯法目标多重性形成原因的历史探讨

历史表明 ,美国反托拉斯法从一开始就不是像罗伯特·博克所说的只有一个目标 ,即消费者利益的最大化或者说经济效率。不同的利益集团和不同地区的代表在第 5 1届国会上的较量就决定了谢尔曼反托拉斯法在目标上的多重性。共和主义的权力均衡理念、自由主义的产权观、古典经济学的契约自由和新古典经济学的市场价格学说也对这种多重性产生了重大影响。在此后一百多年的发展过程中 ,美国反托拉斯法因为整个管制体制的变化而在目标上与时俱进 ,在不同的历史时期有不同的侧重点 ,诸如重整市场、稳定经济、加强社会关注和提高经济效率等等。因此 ,美国反托拉斯法在目标上的多重性从历史的角度来看应该是不争的事实。     

Selling civilization: toward a cultural analysis of America's economic empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries

This essay builds on work that is exploring the convergence of economic and cultural approaches to understanding imperialism through an examination of the particular case of American commercial expansion in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Based on my archival research into the promotional and practical strategies of five of the largest American companies that were international in sales, I suggest some of the ways that an analysis of commercial imperial representations of, and knowledges about, race, gender and civilization adds to our understanding of the multiplicity of imperialisms. I argue that examining these multiplicities can help contribute to a critical postcolonial perspective.     

“The white hands ‘damn them … won't stick’”: labor scarcity and spatial discipline in the antebellum iron industry

This essay seeks to broaden the empirical basis for the concept of spatial discipline by investigating how and why the geographical mobility of skilled iron workers was constrained in the United States during the decades preceding the Civil War. Drawing on neo-Marxist labor theory, the author finds that the paradoxical demands of industrial capitalism for a highly mobile labor force that would also stay in place created particularly acute tensions in the iron industry, where skilled labor was critical to the implementation of new technologies. Recent theoretical developments in legal and labor history help explain why the transition from master-and-servant relations to employment at will in the early nineteenth century heightened tensions in the iron industry and spawned a tremendous range of disciplinary strategies. After modeling managerial strategies as a continuum of coercion, the author presents a series of illustrative examples from the North and South.     

Undergraduate geography internships in the United States: national survey and case study

Abstract

This paper presents the results of a survey of internships offered in undergraduate geography programmes in the United States and discusses a required internship for undergraduate geography majors at Illinois State University. Our survey reveals internships to be widespread in the United States, and the Illinois State internship programme is one of the few in the country that is a requirement for the major. The programme appears to be quite successful.     

Toward a topography of national trauma: mapping the past onto the future of American nationalism

Since the inception of the United States, many of those who have spoken for and to the nation have struggled to define and defend a coherent American nationalism. This article proposes that one of the reasons for this lies in the fault lines inherent in the invented traditions that underpin American, as many other nationalisms. Determined by warfare and by the desire for land, and frequently defined in racial terms, they have undermined more than they have stabilized the nationalist structures they seek to support through what they have excluded from the national imaginary. In common with other settler nations, in fact arguably with most Western nations, America's nationalist narratives struggle to serve as cohesive foundation myths. They represent the lasting legacies of national trauma derived from the nation's violent colonial past and the severing of the imperial bond in the eighteenth century, chattel slavery, and the civil war it caused, and westward expansion and the imperative toward hemispheric control. Through the mapping of a topography of national trauma predicated on these national traditions and located within the tensions arising from warfare, land, and race, scholars can better comprehend the still frequently acrimonious debates over American nationalism that persist today.     

Religion and the US Presidency: Politics,the Media,and Religious Identity

Abstract

The relationship between religion and the presidency impacts both the viability of candidates and the manner in which decisions are made in the voting booth. Today we are living in culture where religion is front and center in politics. This article examines the role of religion in political discourse with special attention to the 2012 presidential election. It focuses on the manner in which religion and politics have become inextricably interwoven in the past sixty years. It begins by establishing the role of religion in the broader political arena. The article then turns to the manner in which religious identity and participation influence voting patterns, and how religious affiliation shapes the office of the presidency. The conclusion offers some reflections on the future of religion in presidential politics, an issue that will continue to be a significant factor in how and why voters support and marginalize particular candidates.     

Globalization and the politics of local and regional development: the question of convergenc

Globalization, and the increased exposure to international competition that it has supposedly induced, has led to expectations of institutional convergence in, among other things, local and regional development policy and the politics surrounding it. There have been changes in the United Kingdom, but not of the decentralizing, neo-liberalizing form anticipated. A comparison of the British with the very different, highly decentralized, American case seeks to shed light on this. Emphasis is placed on both the strongly embedded nature of institutions and on misunderstandings about the strength of the forces of globalization.     

Women in prison: Ethnographic reflections on gender and the carceral state

The criminal justice system is increasingly becoming the subject of national dialogue throughout the United States due to the sheer number of people it impacts: according to the Department of Justice, nearly 7 million, or 1 in 35, U.S. residents are under some form of correctional control. The four books reviewed in this essay derive their findings from ethnographic methods that offer deep insights into the carceral state’s everyday operations in individual women’s lives, while raising profound theoretical and practical questions about gender and governance. We engage with these texts from unique situated standpoints as insider-outsiders with intimate knowledge of the U.S. criminal justice system gleaned from our respective lived experiences, services provision work, and research with currently and formerly incarcerated Wyoming women.     

美加联盟中的政治与经济利益博弈——以加拿大对华粮食贸易为核心的考察

20世纪50年代末60年代初,面对中国发生的粮食紧缺问题,作为美国冷战盟友的加拿大开始采取自主行动,主动与中国开展粮食贸易。此时美国仍对中国进行政治孤立和经济封锁,加拿大的行为无疑与美国的冷战遏制战略相冲突,美国与加拿大的博弈由此开启。美加双方具有不同的利益诉求,加拿大希望扩大粮食销售市场,解决国内粮食过剩的问题,而美国更看重冷战联盟,并着眼于维护冷战联盟内部的团结,为此在不涉及美国核心利益的问题上向加拿大做出一定的让步。美国与加拿大之间的博弈反映了作为联盟主导者的美国开展联盟管理的困境,也体现了联盟政治与经济利益之间的张力。     

‘She is but a Woman’: Kitty Byron and the English Edwardian Criminal Justice System

In 1902, Kitty Byron stabbed her cohabitee, Reginald Baker, on a public street. Though her murder was premeditated, and she was of a lower class than her married lover, Byron gained the sympathy of the press and public, primarily due to the gender failings of her partner. Based on the legal records of the Home Office and newspaper reports, this case study illustrates the limitations of the criminal justice system in dealing with women's violence, especially in an age of increasingly sensational press coverage. The courts showed surprising sympathy to a ‘fallen’ woman, but at the cost of simplifying her story, confirming misogynist stereotypes and underestimating the danger she posed.     

试论美国对中国核武器研制的评估与对策(1961-1964)

本文利用美国政府最新解密材料,对1961-1964年间美国对中国进行核试验的时间、地点、核原料及运载能力的侦察情况进行了阐述.并对美国对中国研制核武器的评估和对策进行分析,其评估与对策是建立在过分夸大中国核威胁的基础之上的.中国研制核武器是为了保卫中国人民免受核威胁,而且,中国在任何时候、任何情况下都不会首先使用核武器.     

美国在华领事裁判权的形成与撤废

领事裁判权问题是近代以来阻碍中美关系发展的主要症结。1844年的中美《望厦条约》将美国在华领事裁判权以法律形式加以固定。1927年1月,美国出于远东战略利益的需要,决定通过谈判途径“尽快”解除美在华享有的治外法权,但因当时美国对华政策无确定对象,加之中国政局动荡,致使美国放弃在华领事裁判权的立场有所动摇。1928年中美签订新关税条约后,在中方的坚持下,中美开始就撤消美在华领事裁判权问题进行谈判。其间,美国采取拖延、推委战术,致使谈判久拖不决。‘‘九一八”事变后远东局势发生突变,中美长达三年之久的谈判因之被迫中断,撤消美在华领事裁判权问题被搁置一边。