New Caledonia viewed from Australia

John Connell. New Caledonia or Kanaky? The Political History of a French Colony. Canberra: National Centre for Development Studies, Australian National University, 1987. xx+493 pp. $25.00.

Michael Spencer, Alan Ward and John Connell (eds). New Caledonia. Essays in Nationalism and Dependency. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1988. xv+253 pp.     

New Caledonia Remains French for Now: The Referendum of 4 November 2018

New Caledonia’s 4 November 2018 referendum confronted voters with a divisive choice between independence and continuation of the status quo. It did not offer another potential option of ‘associated independence’, though that had been extensively discussed in the 1980s and rejected by loyalists because it entailed too much independence and by Kanak because there was too much association. This paper reviews the referendum outcome, and examines the controversies about the make-up of the special electorate for that contest and the electoral roll for provincial and French national elections. It argues that 30 years of dialogue about decolonization have not succeeded in reaching agreement on a consensual future and that there is a risk that the political map of New Caledonia remains frozen. What is needed is not further institutional reform or so-called ‘internal decolonization’ but a crossed interethnic majority in Congress, and a halt to French efforts to strengthen the anti-independence demographic and electoral majority.     

Environmental violence and crises of legitimacy in New Caledonia

This paper addresses the question of what factors besides resource abundance or scarcity play crucial roles in conditioning resource-related violent conflict, by investigating the responses of residents of villages near a mining project in New Caledonia to Rhéébù Nùù, an indigenous environmental protest group. An overlooked and yet crucial factor in local support for Rhéébù Nùù was a lack of faith in the government and, more fundamentally, in the democratic system through which representatives were elected. Instead, villagers put their faith in a revitalization of customary authority. Thus, environmental violence is not driven simply by resource abundance or scarcity; in this instance, it masked a crisis of political legitimacy, grounded in a history of opposition to the colonial power. This leads to the paper's second question: What constitutes a basis for political legitimacy, and how is this legitimacy – and its contestation – mediated by socio-cultural concerns? This study suggests that legitimacy requires the achievement of three elements: representation of people's interests, coherence with cultural identity, and popular acceptance of methods used to exert power. The protest group was more successful at achieving these elements of legitimacy, and thus the support of the local residents, than was either the government or the mining company. However, not all community members felt that Rhéébù Nùù indeed had the support of customary authority, and many disagreed with the group's violent tactics. Thus, protest groups may be subject to the same criteria of legitimacy as the governments or other bodies that they oppose.     

The Limits of Influence: Australia and the Future of New Caledonia, 1975 to 1988

From the late 1970s Australian governments (led in turn by Malcolm Fraser and Bob Hawke) expected New Caledonia to become independent. France responded with suspicion. From 1983, however, reformist governments in Australia and France took apparently converging views. But tensions rose because of unrest in New Caledonia and conflict over French nuclear testing. Australia’s limited capacity to influence developments waned further in 1986 when Jacques Chirac became French prime minister and countered the Kanak nationalist movement. Foreign Minister Bill Hayden favoured moderating Australia’s position, but the issue became moot in mid-1988 when the rival forces in New Caledonia agreed to the truce embodied in the Matignon Accords. The different approaches of the Fraser and Hawke governments reflected philosophical differences, the personal stance of key players, influences from their political movements, and the challenges of changing circumstances. Decades later, with a referendum due by November 2018, Australia’s approach is likely to be cautious.     

The Political Order and Corporal Coercion in Kanak Societies of the Past (New Caledonia)

Till the mid-19th century, in Kanak institutions in north central Grande Terre (New Caledonia), chiefs received their titles from the ‘masters of the land’. To add material and symbolic power to their preeminent position, they received human sacrifices, as one of their kinspeople offered his/her body; and they waged warfare outside the chiefdom. Their fame was proportional to control over human bodies. Based on historical sources and ethnographic information gathered in the field, the effort is made to see how these precolonial cannibalistic practices fit into political systems. A comparison is made between Kanak chiefs and Melanesian big men and great men.     

Caledogonia,a new smooth trigoniacean bivalve from the Triassic of New Caledonia

Caledogonia globosa gen. et sp. nov. is considered to be a member of the Myophoriidae following the classification of Newell & Boyd (1975). It is a more evolved genus than Agonisca Fleming from the Ladinian of New Zealand. Both are probably the descendants of Neoschizodus of the Andean-West Antarctic region, a dispersal route on the southern Gondwanaland coastline. Caledogonia was probably a rapid burrower in a high energy paleoenvironment. It occurs in a rhythmic sequence of greywackes and conglomeratic shell beds that lie on pre-Triassic basement. Like the associated bivalves, Maoritrigonia and Manticula, Caledogonia is an endemic genus of the Late Triassic Maorian Province.

Caledogonia globosa gen. et sp. nov. est a rapporter aux Myophoriidae, d'après la classification de Newell & Boyd (1975). Plus évolué que le genre Agonisca Fleming du Ladinien de Nouvelle Zélande, il descend probablement, comme celuici de Neoschizodus représenté dans la region Andine et West Antarctique, zone de dispersion faunique de la cote Sud des Terres de Gondwana. Caledogonia, était un fouisseur actif dans un paléoenvironnement de haute énergie et de sédimentation rapide. On le trouve aujourdhui dans une séquence rythmique de grauwackes alternant avec des lumachelles et conglomérats, transgressive sur le substratum antétriasique. Comme les bivalves associés Maoritrigonia et Manticula, Caledogonia est un genre endémique de la province máorie du Trias supérieur.     

A Reply to A. Bensa and E. Wittersheim, 'Jean Guiart and New Caledonia: A drama of misrepresentation'

A Fisheries Case Study     

‘Trouble in Paradise“: The perception of New Caledonia in the Australian Press

Australian perceptions of the South Pacific are largely shaped by promotional tourist reports. Australian press coverage of violent conflict in New Caledonia erupting late in 1984, during the Kanak struggle for independence, produced a very different image of one part of the region. The Australian media coverage focused on violent events, used evocative language and dramatic headlines and stressed the threat that violence posed for Australian tourism. In subsequent months tourist numbers slumped and never regained earlier peak levels while press coverage dwindled as violent events became fewer. In New Caledonia the conservative press argued that biased Australian media coverage had encouraged local economic collapse to enable Australia to exert greater hegemony in the region and that the nationalist movement was merely a socialist or terrorist minority and that nationalist sentiments were stirred up by overseas media interest. Inevitable media distortion, through oversimplification in a complex socio-economic context and the lack of continuous coverage, did contribute to a biased perception, whose legacy remained beyond the duration of the period of violence.     

The Education of Natives,Creole Clerics,and the Mexican Enlightenment

In this article, I explore the parallel responses of two groups of colonial subjects who were confronted with the institutional changes that occurred in the context of Enlightenment ideas in eighteenth-century Mexico: creole clerics headed by the Jesuit Francisco Javier Clavijero; and native religious men who petitioned to colonial authorities and the Crown for additional spaces for the education of indigenous men. I explore some of the interactions between creole clerics—often referred to as creole patriots—and native elites in the schools of central Mexico, and efforts by indigenous noble men to broaden the opportunities for natives to join the ranks of the Church and to receive a higher education. To this end, I build on the scholarship that has made evident how the hegemonic program of Bourbon reforms, which was inspired by the Enlightenment, was not a top-down plan implemented successfully and equally across the continent but rather a series of contested interpretations. This article contributes to the recent shift in the scholarship on the Enlightenment that acknowledges cross-cultural global exchanges by arguing that certain groups of natives in central Mexico, and a particular group of American-born clerics, participated actively in building a pragmatic version of the Enlightenment that responded to their local realities and contributed to a globalized understanding of enlightened ideas.     

Framing social rebalancing,national identity,and victimhood in Kanaky/New Caledonia

New Caledonia is an island territory located in the French South Pacific. In 2018, the first of three referenda on the island’s sovereignty will occur. Over the next decade, inhabitants of this territory will decide whether to become fully sovereign, maintain their dependence on France, or enter into an independent-association relationship with another state. Through a series of interviews with prominent New Caledonian politicians and secondary sources, this article explores how definitions of victimhood and national identity construction shape the notion of rebalancing. Both loyalist and nationalist politicians argue that the current social inequalities between New Caledonian communities require targeted policies intended to re-balance the populations. Politicians use these victim narratives and national identities to construct imagined communities that advocate for the inclusive or exclusive application of the right to self-determination.