The Palestinian Uprising,Bread Riots and Arab Democratisation

In most theoretical treatments civil strife and domestic political conflict are interpreted as deconstructive and negative, as exemplified by Gurr 1980, p. 239 . Yet no messengers from Christ to Muhammad , no leaders from Bolivar to Gandhi , and no revolutionaries from Lenin to Mao to Mandela ushered in new orders and ideas without conflict. Whether viewed diachronically or synchronically, humankind's history is the history of conflict. However, domestic conflict is neither always negative, as Dixon and Moon 1989 have shown, nor does it always have only short-term effects, as Bienen and Gersovitz 1986 have assumed. There is ample historical evidence for this in the aforementioned cases. Against the backdrop of domestic conflict these historical figures effected positive and lasting changes. Hence the chief postulate of this essay: domestic political conflict, despite the 'inherent plausibility' of its harmfulness, presents opportunities for positive change with long-term effects. This position is tested using examples of Arab bread riots and the spill-over effect of the Palestinian intifadah uprising . Support for this position is found in the context of the recent wave of Arab democratisations. Although generally guided and controlled, Arab political liberalisations especially that of Sudan, Algeria and Jordan have their roots in pressure from below. Elsewhere as in Tunisia and Egypt , similar pressure helped consolidate, or, at least, place political reform on the agenda of delegitimised ruling elites. When compared with other regions, the Arab Middle East AME can readily be shown to have advanced on the road to democracy, even if such a democracy is yet to presage polyarchal rule. Democracy and democratisation in the AME have almost invariably meant a trend towards 'parliamentariasation' and 'electoralisation'. Between 1985 and 1996 the AME has experienced no less than seventeen multi-party elections, twice more than the entire preceding period since the early 1960s when many Arab countries won independence from colonial rule. While renderings of Arab democracy tend to be either 'exceptionalist' projecting pessimistic scenarios or euphoric equating democracy with the number of polls , they fail to consider the role of domestic political violence in the rise of Arab electoral activities, a vacuum area taken up by this essay.     

Bill Clinton and Welfare Reform: A Perspective from Oral History

Complicating the conventional wisdom, President Bill Clinton did not sign welfare reform legislation in 1996 for entirely short-term political reasons. Oral history interviews with administration officials demonstrate that his support for welfare reform was rooted in longstanding policy concerns and in his long-term desire to restore the Democratic Party to competitive viability.     

Issues in Urban Industrial Conservation: The Nottingham Lace Market

Abstract

The preservation of industrial buildings of historic interest is of prime importance to the industrial archaeologist. Yet many of these buildings are to be found within the heart of the great manufacturing cities. How are they to be conserved alongside the built environments within which they were originally set? This article takes the Nottingham Lace Market, which contains some of the finest examples of nineteenth century industrial buildings, and addresses itself to the question of how various public agencies have attempted to make the area economically viable in order to facilitate conservation and preservation work.     

1992年洛杉矶骚乱历史根源探析

1992年洛杉矶骚乱的发生和发展不是一次偶然性事件,而是60年代以来洛杉矶地区政治、经济和民族关系长期发展的必然结果,是20世纪美国城市种族骚乱的继续。这次骚乱的破坏性之大、涉及的范围之广、民族之多、冲突的程度之激烈,都是美国历史上前所未有的。在骚乱爆发的过程中,中心城市人口的贫困化、社会上的种族歧视和隔离、日益复杂的民族关系、不公正的社会司法和新闻媒体的炒作等,都在不同程度上促成了洛杉矶骚乱的爆发。     

The Scottish Union Bill of 1656–7

The Scottish Union Bill introduced to the second Protectorate Parliament in October 1656 was based on the union ordinance of 1654, but it was then subjected to wide‐ranging amendments over the next few months. These amendments made many concessions to the Scots, including recognizing their separate legal system and the rights of the burghs, and allowing an expansion of free trade. This article explores the implications of these changes to the constitutional relationship between the two nations, and identifies the changes with a programme of reform championed by the Scottish council, led by Lord Broghill. The fate of the Union Bill thus became linked to the wider reform movement that saw the replacement of the Instrument of Government with the more moderate, civilian constitution known as the Humble Petition and Advice in the spring of 1657.     

Women's Talk and the Colonial State: The Wylde Scandal, 1831–1833

Between 1831 and 1833 the Chief Justice of the Cape Colony, Sir John Wylde, was involved in a scandal surrounding anonymous accusations of incest resulting from the alleged pregnancy of his unmarried daughter. The rumours led to an official inquiry by the secretary of state. The resulting political crisis took place against a background of social tension over impending slave emancipation. The records of the inquiry, together with contemporary comment, form the basis for a discussion of how gender roles, gossip and a separation between public and private spheres informed the operation of Cape colonial politics and society.