国际战略与中国外交

新中国的领导者虽然针对不同的对象使用不同的战略概念,但多半是选择国际战略概念表达其对外交政策方针的思考。在学术界,使用国际战略概念研究中国外交也已成为主流。因此,在新中国外交史的演变中把握中国国际战略的历史阶段,在梳理新中国政治话语中的战略语义和语境的基础上体会国际战略概念,有助于推进中国国际战略理论研究的规范化和新中国外交研究的系统化,增强中国的外交研究和国际政治研究的思想深度。     

毛泽东“三个世界”外交战略划分理论与中国国际地位的跃升

毛泽东主席于上世纪70年代初正式提出了"三个世界"划分理论,这是一个具有划时代意义的国际外交战略划分。该理论的提出,成为当时中国制定外交政策的重要理论依据和指导思想,它对打破当时僵死的"两个阵营"世界格局,对我国国际地位的跃升起到了决定性作用。本文从分析"三个世界"外交战略划分理论提出的背景和原因入手,着重探讨它对当时新的世界格局的促成和中国国际地位跃升所产生的深远影响及现实意义。     

冷战时期中国周边安全环境的特征与启示

冷战时期,中国的周边安全环境不断变化,20世纪50年代,中国的周边环境呈现出北方安全、东南方严峻的基本态势;60年代,中国周边安全形势十分险恶;60年代末70年代初,中国周边安全形势有所改善;进入80年代,中国周边安全环境大大改善。冷战时期中国周边安全环境的阶段性特征表明,国际格局和周边主要国家对华政策是影响中国周边安全环境的两大外部因素,中国对外战略和综合国力则是两个重要内因。事实证明,内因比外因重要。     

涉台外交政策演变过程及其特点和主要影响因素(1949～2007)

1949～2007年,中国涉台外交政策可以分为四个时期:1949～1971年,争取打破国际封锁、孤立,削弱军事包围和遏制是中国整体外交工作的基本目标和任务,涉台外交工作是中国外交工作的重要组成部分;1972～1978年,在与西方国家的建交谈判中,能否按中方要求处理台湾问题是谈判顺利进行     

海湾战争与土耳其中东外交政策评析

20世纪40年代以来土耳其奉行亲西方,尤其是亲美的一边倒外交政策,土耳其中东外交服务于其西方战略,长期以中立和不介入为主要特征。20世纪90年代世界政治格局的变化使得土耳其必须重新调整其中东外交政策,海湾战争为土耳其重新实践其外交政策提供了机遇,土耳其在中东开始采取积极、主动的新型外交政策。海湾战争成为土耳其中东外交的分水岭。海湾战争中,土耳其积极介入中东事务的政策与土耳其亲西方的外交政策恰好吻合;伊拉克战争则表明土耳其中东外交与其亲西方外交之间的不协调性。     

改革开放以来我国外交特点刍议

在国际舞台上,每一国家的外交都有自己的特点。这种特点往往是由该国的经济、政治、文化的状况和历史传统以及领导者的风格所决定的。我国在建国后到改革开放开始这段时间内,外交取得了巨大成就,国际地位不断上升,但由于过分突出社会制度和意识形态因素,外交工作受到很大限制。党的十一届三中全会以后,随着党的实事求是思想路线的确立和工作重心的转移,我国的国际战略和外交政策也发生了很大变化,这就是以科学的态度认识、估测国际形势,以务实、灵活的方式开展外交活动,从而迅速地打开了外交工作的新局面,为我国的社会主义现代化…     

从和平共处、求同存异到维护世界的多样性——中国外交对国际社会认识与反应的演进

从中共第一代领导集体首先倡导和平共处、求同存异的外交思想到第二代领导集体对和平共处、求同存异外交思想的继承和发展,再到第三代领导集体强调尊重并维护世界多样性,反映的是中国外交正确认识国际社会、充分尊重客观现实、合理应对时代变化的历史进程。实践证明,和平共处、求同存异与维护世界多样性的主张,不仅反映了国际社会的本质,而且代表了国际社会发展的趋势,它们既是中国推行独立自主和平外交政策的指导思想,也是中国外交对当代国际关系理论的重大贡献。     

十八大以来中国周边外交理念与实践的新发展

<正>中共十八大以来,以习近平总书记为核心的中央领导集体在保持外交大政方针延续性和稳定性的基础上,提出了"亲、诚、惠、容"的周边外交理念、新型义利观、周边命运共同体、新亚洲安全观,并丰富了和平发展战略思想,以期为实现伟大复兴的中国梦创造良好的周边环境。新时期中国周边外交理念四者之间是有机统一的关系。周边命运共同体理念是新时期中国周边外交的最高目标,致力于与周边国家共同打造"政治、安全、经济、文     

改革开放以来中国外交理念的演进

正中国外交政策的宏观框架,一般由五年一次的中国共产党全国代表大会的政治报告勾勒。以1982年以来历次党的报告作为文本,通过集中分析其中论述"国际形势和对外政策"的部分,可以发现,党的报告中所体现出的时代观、安全观和秩序观构成了中国外交理念的三个重要思想内涵,中国外交理念的演进也主要表现为这三种观念的变化和演进。具体来说,时代观是人们以全球意识和国际眼光观照国际社会所形     

中国应对气候变化战略与外交政策之关系研究

正在应对气候变化的外交实践中,中国逐渐摸索出了适合自身发展需要的气候变化战略及与之相应的外交政策。中国的气候变化战略中最核心也最受国际社会关注的是坚持在现阶段不承担任何减排义务,并始终反对将气候变化与其他问题挂钩。同时,中国的气候变化战略也有所调整,主要是对清洁发展机制的态度从质疑犹豫转向积极参加;开始积极参与各种国际技术开发和合作机制;加大力度,推进有利于低碳发展的国内政     

对众多不同国家的一个相同政策--浅析中国对发展中国家的政策

中国外交已走过了半个世纪的历程,其间有多次大的外交政策调整.与对美、苏主要国家政策的不断调整和变化不同,中国对发展中国家的政策更多地表现出连续性.在处理与这些国家的关系时,中国一直认为自己是这些国家群体中的一员,而且常常把这些国家当做一个整体看待.但实际上中国与这些国家内部都存在着很大的分歧.中国对这些国家的政策在很大程度上受中国与主要大国,特别是美、苏关系和中国战略的影响,在不同时期有着不同的内容,呈现不同的特点.     

中国的和平崛起与对外移民

在中国和世界移民史的框架内,从中国的人口政策、经济发展战略、外资的引进和城市化与就业政策等角度,对中外社会经济性质及移民政策进行比较分析。认为,中国的人口政策和经济发展战略保持了极低的对外移民率;随着中国的和平崛起,未来中国国际移民与人口比例将比当时欧洲崛起时低得多、“移民峰”的时段也将比欧洲当年的时段短得多。     

Twenty‐first Century Industrial Policy in a Small Developing Country: The Challenges of Reviving Manufacturing in Rwanda

The Rwandan government — widely lauded for its political commitment to development — has refocused its efforts on reviving growth in the manufacturing sector. This article examines how pressures from different levels — international, regional and domestic — have shaped the evolving political economy of two priority sectors (apparel and cement). To achieve its goals of manufacturing sector growth, the Rwandan government aims to access foreign markets (on preferential terms) and larger regional markets while developing effective state–business relationships with locally based firms. Despite the government's political commitment to reviving its manufacturing sector, its strategy has been both shaped and impeded by shifting pressures at the international level (through Rwanda's recent suspension from the African Growth and Opportunity Act), the regional level (through competition from regional firms) and the domestic level (through over‐reliance on single firms). Within the current industrial policy literature, there is limited reflection on how developing countries are dealing with the multi‐scalar challenges of enacting industrial policy in a much‐changed global trading environment. This article contributes to the industrial policy literature by addressing this lacuna.     

The democracy tradition in US foreign policy and the Obama presidency

This article proposes a three‐level analysis of the democracy tradition in American foreign policy that identifies its ideational, strategic and policy dimensions and situates Barack Obama's presidency to date within it at each level. At the heart of this approach is the understanding that the motivations and practice of the United States' democracy promotion are shaped by its ideas about national identity, political order, national interest and international relations. This is the ideational source of the democracy tradition, which, as US power has grown, has led increasingly to decision‐makers setting strategic goals that include democratization abroad as a facilitator of other US goals. Only slowly has this led to the development of specific policies to that end, though, and democracy promotion as a discrete policy field mostly developed from the 1980s onwards. Democracy promotion went through a ‘boom’ after the end of the Cold War as the United States enjoyed unparalleled power on the international stage. It is clear that Barack Obama and his administration belong firmly in the democracy tradition at the ideational, strategic and policy level, and they have given no cause to expect any major change in his second term as far as democracy promotion is concerned. It is in any case a mistake to think that changes in the democracy tradition come from particular leaders; rather, it is the changing international environment confronting US foreign policy that is more likely, in the longer term, to lead to a shift away from democracy promotion.     

The Long Sunset of Strategic Partnership: Russia's Evolving China Policy

The strategic partnership between Moscow and Beijing is arguably the greatest Russian foreign policy achievement of the post-Soviet period. In just over a decade, the relationship has grown from a barely civil interaction to one of political and strategic convergence and flourishing economic cooperation. Once divisive issues such as border demarcation and Chinese 'illegal migration' into the Russian Far East have been largely defused, while bilateral trade has tripled during the past four years. Nevertheless, despite these successes, the strategic partnership remains fragile and vulnerable to bilateral and international developments. A negative historical legacy, enduring cultural prejudices and strategic suspicions, and even commercial disagreements threaten, over time, to undermine many of the gains of the recent past. In the transformed global environment after 9/11 there are signs that Moscow is rethinking its approach towards China as part of a more general evolution in Russian strategic calculus in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond. China's emergence as the next super-power, the spectre of increased Sino-American tensions, the changing balance of power between Moscow and Beijing, and rival agendas in Central Asia all have the potential to rekindle once dormant political differences and security fears. Although the breadth of common interests means there is no early prospect of confrontation, the much-vaunted Russia–China strategic partnership may be giving way to a growing strategic divergence.     

How Chinese scholars think about Chinese foreign policy

China’s assertive diplomacy in recent years has ignited intense debates among international relations (IR) scholars. Some argue that China’s assertive behaviour is rooted in its perception of increasing power and capabilities. Others suggest that it is US policies that triggered China’s assertive reactions. Relying on an original survey of China’s IR scholars conducted in Beijing in 2013 and using structural equation modelling, we empirically examine Chinese IR scholars’ attitude towards Chinese power versus the United States, their perceptions of US policy in Asia, and their preference for an assertive Chinese foreign policy. We find that both the power perception and policy reaction arguments make sense in accounting for Chinese IR scholars’ attitude regarding China’s assertive diplomacy. However, our research suggests that a more pessimistic view on Chinese power is more likely to be associated with a preference for an assertive foreign policy.     

The ideological roots of failure: the application of kinetic neo‐liberalism to Iraq

This article argues that American policy towards Iraq went through four major shifts between the invasion in 2003 and the announcement of the surge in 2007. The best way to understand the Bush administration's evolving policy towards Iraq is by examining the ideological parameters within which it was made. The article assesses various approaches to understanding the relationship between ideology, policy making and foreign policy, concluding that ideology shapes the paradigm and analytical categories within which foreign policy is made. A major change in foreign policy originates either from the decision‐maker consciously recognizing and attempting to rework the ideational parameters within which policy is made or in reaction to ‘discrepant information’ or ‘anomalies’ that destabilize the paradigm and its analytical categories. The article goes on to examine the extent to which both neo‐liberalism and neo‐conservatism shaped George W. Bush's foreign policy. It identifies a series of major analytical categories that originate from within these two doctrines and shaped policy towards Iraq. The article argues that the four major shifts in Bush's policy towards Iraq were forced upon the administration by the rising tide of politically motivated violence. Ultimately this violence forced Bush to abandon the major analytical categories that, up to 2007, had given his policy coherence. In order to extricate his administration from the quagmire that Iraq had become by 2006, Bush totally transformed his approach, dropping the previously dominant neo‐liberal paradigm and adopting a counter‐insurgency doctrine.     

Chinese strategies in a US-hegemonic global order: accommodating and hedging

China's economic, political and military influence has been increasing at a time when the United States, as sole superpower, dominates the international order. This article outlines Chinese elite perspectives on the current global order and shows not only how these perceptions have affected China's policies towards the United States, but also how they have influenced China's regional and global policies more broadly. It argues that variants of realist logic that interpret Chinese behaviour as a form of balancing are not particularly helpful, and do not capture the essence of Chinese strategies that are underpinned by an overwhelming focus on its domestic development needs. The article posits that Chinese leaders have accepted that they operate in a unipolar order and have chosen not to stick out for negotiating positions that the United States would see as seriously detrimental to its interests. However, Beijing couples this accommodating approach with policies designed to ensure that, were relations seriously to deteriorate with Washington, China could draw on deepened regional and global ties to thwart any US effort to interrupt its domestic objectives. China's hope is that a more 'democratic' international order will emerge, which means not multipolarity as such but a 'concert of great powers system' that will operate to forge multilateral cooperation among the major states.     

Hegemony,liberalism and global order: what space for would‐be great powers?

This article, and the four that follow, consider some of the ways in which China, Russia, India and Brazil have responded both to US hegemony and to the changing character of international society. This article sets out some of the major analytical questions that emerge when thinking about the foreign policy options of these countries and some of the principal conceptual and theoretical categories within which those questions may be usefully framed. The first section examines the reasons for taking these countries as a group. The second section provides a brief overview of two of the most common theoretical perspectives from which the systemic pressures on these countries have been understood. The third considers their actual and potential strategies and options under five headings: their status as regional powers; their behaviour within and towards international institutions; their relations with the United States; collaboration among them and evidence for the possible emergence of balancing behaviour; and the links between economic development and foreign policy.     

战后国际关系与我国建国初"一边倒"方针的形成

"一边倒"是新中国成立初期独立自主和平外交政策框架中最核心的方针.它的形成与第二次世界大战结束前后的国际关系密切相关.当时的国际关系有两条线索:一是雅尔塔体系的建立;二是冷战的开始与两大阵营的形成.这使中国不能置身局外,中间道路难以行得通,"一边倒"就是在这样一个复杂的国际背景下酝酿形成的.与此同时,国际形势的变化包括两大阵营的出现,也使斯大林不得不重新考虑苏联的远东战略,包括对中共和国民党的态度,这使"一边倒"的出现最终成为可能.