清代史馆制度的特点

和前代相比,清代史馆制度有自身的特点。顺康时期,清朝官方就形成了以常开、例开史馆为主干,以阅时而开、特开史馆为辅助的史馆格局,这种史馆格局既具有稳定性,又具有灵活性,功能完善,相得益彰,在清廷的政治运作中发挥了重要作用。清代帝王对史馆修史的干预更加全面,皇帝亲自确定修史项目,对史书修纂的内容进行全面指导,时常过问史馆的管理,并形成了史书修纂次第进呈御览的制度,一切仰承圣裁,保证了帝王意志在史馆内的贯彻执行。清代史馆还具有鲜明的民族特色,官方以制度化的方式规定了史馆内满汉纂修官的员额和比例,保证满人参与修史。清代史无专官,但史馆从组建、管理到史官选任、资料征集等,都有一整套严格而又灵活的运作机制。     

乾隆朝“五朝国史”纂修考

清代承袭历代修史制度,开设各类史馆颇多,纂修史著亦丰,为后世留下了一份极其珍贵的史学遗产。国史纂修,是清代官方史学编纂中极为重要的内容。乾隆朝纂修的"五朝国史"较康熙朝"三朝国史"、雍正朝"四朝国史",体例更加完备、内容更加丰富,开创了国史纂修的新局面,促进了清代国史纂修制度的完善,成为清代官方史学日趋成熟的重要标志。     

清代的国史馆及其修史制度

清代国史馆 ,是纂修清朝历史的常设机构 ,从康熙二十九年 (16 90 )正式设立 ,到宣统三年 (1911)被北洋政府接管 ,2 0 0多年间 ,国史馆先后纂修大量的各朝纪、志、传、表及大清一统志、皇清奏议等史籍。形成了一整套行之有效的修史制度、编纂程序和对修史人员的管理方法 ,这些制度和方法对我们今天的史学研究和准备开展的纂修大型清史工作 ,不无裨益。     

论清代史馆修史、幕府修史及私家修史的互动

在清代,史馆、幕府和私家这三类修史形式一直是并存发展的。在治史范围和思想倾向上,三者有明显差异,史馆基本上垄断了国史和当代史的纂修,幕府修史的范围则随着政治环境和幕主个人兴趣的变化而变化,私家修史对社会变迁特别敏感,其研究范围往往最能体现时代特点。同时,这三类修史形式又因为幕主的政治身份和学人们的流动而发生联系,从而使不同的史学思想、修史理念在之间传播、交流。在具体的修史活动中,三者一直处在互动状态,史馆修史或刺激、或打压幕府、私家的修史活动,始终处于主导地位,决定着幕府、私家修史的盛衰消长,而幕府、私家修史在某种程度上也迫使官方不断调整修史政策,以适应社会的变化。     

辽朝的历史学家及其史学思想

辽朝建立以后,承袭中原历代传统制度,设置史官,建立史馆,负责修史。其史官有两种:一为修注官,专门负责记录君主的言行,其官有起居舍人、修起居注、知起居注、起居郎;一为修史官,根据《起居注》以纂修《实录》等国史,其官有监修国史、同修国史、史馆修撰、修国史等。实际情况见拙作《辽朝史官考》一文兹不重复。     

清代史官议叙制度考略

史官议叙制度是清代文官奖励体系中的重要组成部分,用以激励参与纂修史书的史官。清承明制,将议叙范围扩大,运用于史馆修史,形成修史机构议叙管理机制。嘉庆朝编《大清会典》,又将史官议叙法规化。议叙内容根据史官出身和品阶不同相应有差,包括加级加纪录、加衔、提前开复、获得选官优先权等多种。终清一代,史官议叙制度吸引了大批士人主动投身到修史活动中,有效保障了清代大规模官方修史的顺利进行,并由此带来士人职业观念上的积极变化。     

何以"外民国"——《清史稿》反动成因探析

《清史稿》是民初官方主持纂修的史书,刊印不久后却因"内清室而外民国"的反动立场而被南京国民政府查禁.究其原因,首先,清史馆在归属问题上的含糊不清使修史宗旨具有不确定性;其次,在史书纂修过程中,北洋政府对史馆成员的政治立场缺少足够的干预和控制;第三,史书纂修者在书稿中表露出了或深或浅的遗民心态.最后,由于南京国民政府与北洋政府在政治理念等方面的巨大差异,《清史稿》表现出的"表扬清室"的态度和"遗民"口吻都被视为"触犯民国"的罪证.《清史稿》从成书到被禁的历程,显示了政府与修史机构、修史者之间的紧密关联以及民初复杂的政治生态.     

东魏北齐史官制度与官修史书——再论史馆修史始于北齐

东魏迁都邺城,学术文化中心转移,北魏太和以来积累的文明成果萃集邺下,为东魏北齐史官制度的发展与《魏书》编纂提供了良好条件,并由此形成了史馆修史与大臣监修制度。大臣监修与史馆修史二者一体,史馆是一专门修史机构,似在宫禁集书省与起居省内,已不同于北魏秘书省之史阁。大臣监修改变了北魏以来秘书监、丞典领国史的传统,入馆修史加兼著作,脱离了秘书著作系统。著作从秘书省游离出来,与集注起居形成更加密切的关系。东魏北齐沿承北魏,置集书省和起居省,北魏以守尚书典注起居,东魏北齐以散骑常侍等侍官监领或撰修起居注。史馆修史与起居集注,造就了《魏书》、《齐书》、《齐纪》等史书。东魏北齐史官制度变化的依据为礼制的修订,唐代礼多因循北齐,故其史馆修史制度亦上承北齐。     

清实录馆人事管理机制研究

清代实录馆属例开的临时性修史机构。在长期的纂修实践中,实录馆的人员任用与分工、福利待遇、考勤考绩及奖惩等渐趋制度化、规范化。但在清王朝日渐式微、沉疴泛起的时代背景下,实录馆的人事管理机制也暴露出诸多疏漏与不足,不仅影响了实录的纂修质量与纂修效率,同时也败坏了实录馆的修书风气。     

烽火岁月中遗留下来的史稿——《清史稿未刊稿丛编·序》

民国三年春,北京政府国务会议决议:"请特设清史馆,由大总统延聘专员,分任编纂,总期元丰史院,肇启宏规,贞观遗风,备登实录,以与往代二十四史,同昭垂鉴于无穷。"大总统袁世凯(1859—1916)遂于三月九日令设清史馆,延聘满清遗臣赵尔巽(1844—1927)为馆长,聘请通儒百余人,分任编纂,"踵二十四史沿袭之旧例,成二百余年传信之专书,用以昭示来兹,导扬盛美"。为了方便取得资料,并承继清代纂修国史的成果,馆址就设置在东华门内前清国史馆旧址,于九月一日正式开馆修史,至民国十六年底《清史稿》正式付印出版,翌年七月故宫博物院奉国民政府令就近接管清史馆,这是故宫与清史馆结缘之始,也是现存"国立故宫博物     

Spies and Postmen: Communications Liaisons and the Evolution of the Qing Bureaucracy

This article introduces the “communications liaison” (titang guan)—an official category little acknowledged in past scholarship on the late imperial Chinese state. Communications liaisons stationed at garrisons and administrative seats compiled intelligence and news reports for supervising officials in distant locations. In Beijing, capital liaisons compiled documents into court gazettes and supervised the distribution of documents, seals of office, and imperial gifts to the provinces. Besides these responsibilities, capital liaisons acquired reputations for following personal and patronage agendas that undermined the integrity of the bureaucratic state. Longstanding financial and administrative inconsistencies within the Qing bureaucracy induced liaisons to misbehave. Still, characterizations of liaison malfeasance transformed over the course of the dynasty due to institutional developments including the implementation of new communications systems, the standardization of provincial administrations, and the expansion of office sales. Whereas liaisons in the early and mid-Qing periods were parties to political exchanges among the bureaucratic elite, by the dynasty’s waning years, liaisons provided services for the larger population of bureaucratic personnel. The liaisons’ transformation from spies into postmen, as seen through the eyes of official critics, offers an opportunity to evaluate the impact of major changes in the Qing bureaucracy upon some of its least known officeholders.     

浅析中世纪晚期西欧官吏阶层的产生

中世纪晚期西欧人身依附关系逐渐松弛,人们在城市生活中建立起以利益为核心的社会秩序。对构建公共权力的需要促使西欧各国开始通过议会走上建立统一的、中央集权国家的道路。官吏阶层的产生正是这一进程的产物。这些人不同于以往向领主个人效忠的封臣,他们接受过大学教育并领取薪俸,而且担负起由公共权力赋予的事务。官吏阶层在法律秩序的统一、国家公共职能的确立等方面发挥了重要作用,成为西欧社会结构变革的重要组成部分。     

For the Wealth of the Realm: the transformation of the public sphere in Swedish politics,c. 1434–1650

This article addresses the transformation of the representative public in late medieval and early modern Sweden. While recognizing the importance of Habermas' theory of the public sphere, the focus is on the progressive character of the royal administration and on how the interaction within the administrative setting eventually came to serve as a basis for political opinion. The interplay between local bargaining over taxes and political action at the national level is of critical importance. The state formation process served to empower new groups such as peasants and burghers, who eventually learned how to wield rational arguments in defence of their interests. This is demonstrated here by focusing on the interaction between local officeholders and the tax-paying peasantry.     

《三国志》日译本得失谈

随着全球化时代的到来,汉籍古典名著的今注今译工作,越来越受到学术界的重视。就《三国志》而言,近二十年以来,中文及外文译本已多达十来种。然而有些译注者疏于校释,以至时有错谬。日本学者今鹰真等三人的《正史三国志》。(含裴注)日译本,有些地方还胜过了中文今译本。本文对日译本与中文今译本的译文进行了初步比对,从语言解释、底本校勘等角度列举了二者的得失,藉以说明进行汉籍今译工作时中日学术交流的重要性。     

晚清政治思想超前发展述论

超前于社会经济的发展,是晚清政治思想的重要特点.鸦片战争以后,民族危机日见严重,传统的政治文化面对数千年来未有之变局无能为力,于是有识之士纷纷提出向西方(包括甲午后的日本)学习要求.相比较而言,政治思想的学习远比社会经济变革来得快.近代政治思想的超前发展带动了社会变革.但是,不是建立在中国近代社会发展的基础上的近代政治思想缺憾甚多,并给晚清社会的变革留下若干负面影响.     

The Judicial Bookshelf

Americans were reminded last January 20, as they are every four years, of the central moment at the Inauguration: the swearing in of the president. In this republican rite, the new or continuing chief executive publicly subordinates himself to the fundamental law of the land. As the Constitution dictates, "[b]efore he enters on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation: 'I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.'" ¹ Justices of the Supreme Court, other federal judges, legislators and officials, as well as state officeholders, likewise govern only upon making a similar pledge. "Senators and Representatives … , and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution." ² And for added emphasis, protection, and insurance, the Constitution crowns itself, national statutes, and treaties as "the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding." ³ Parallel drama unfolds in other venues too. In the half century since all nominees to the Supreme Court have routinely appeared before the Senate Judiciary Committee, it would be difficult to find an example of a would-be Justice who, through one combination of words or another, did not promise senators that she or he would faithfully interpret and apply the Constitution.     

Unintended consequences: an examination of Australia's ‘historic policy shift’ on East Timor

The Howard government's foreign policy objectives concerning East Timor remain the subject of intense historical debate. Given that some Indonesians harbour suspicions about Australia's role in East Timor's independence, it is important to reflect on Australia's diplomacy throughout this period. This article draws on 15 interviews with former politicians and officials—including Prime Minister John Howard and Foreign Minister Alexander Downer—to argue that in 1998, Australia's foreign policy was focused on supporting Indonesia's democratisation process and maintaining the bilateral relationship. It was only when Indonesia moved towards a ‘special status’ of autonomy for East Timor that Australia reconsidered its own position. Although rarely acknowledged, Australia's policy shift actually precipitated outcomes that it had sought to avoid. As such, Habibie's decision to allow self-determination in East Timor can only be viewed as an unintended consequence of Australian diplomacy—independence was never the objective of Australian foreign policy.     

黄土高原考察琐记

这是一篇考察黄土高原的回忆录。由于一些机缘 ,得遍历黄土高原各处。在考察过程中 ,得以确定若干故城关隘的遗址 ,辩明几条交通大道的通塞 ,从而论证前哲时彦的讹误不实之处。黄土高原早在远古时期即已辉煌昌盛 ,其后历久不坠。可是现在却已残破不堪 ,许多地区沟壑纵横 ,难有平坦之地。这是长期侵蚀有以致之。积疚既明 ,或有助于黄土高原的治理     

"斯迈尔斯神话":19世纪英国社会对工业家起源的认识

"斯迈尔斯神话"是19世纪英国社会关于工业家起源的普遍认识,即认为在工业革命中涌现的工业家们大多是践行了"自助"原则的"自我塑造者"。这种认识的产生和流传既有一定的社会现实基础,也与工业家阶层有意识的"创造"和"宣扬"分不开。对工业家的起源所进行的计量史学研究发现,他们主要来自中等阶级,而不是劳工阶级,从而揭示了"神话"的可信性。作为一种社会认识,"斯迈尔斯神话"是中等阶级为工业财富寻求合法性辩护的意识形态工具,对19世纪英国社会其他阶层的观念和英国的现代化进程也产生了深刻影响。     

Too many Scotlands? Place,the SNP,and the future of nationalist mobilization

Scottish nationalism has always had a ‘geographical problem’ in the sense that support for its central goal, the independence of Scotland from the United Kingdom, has had much more backing in some regions and localities than it has had in others. In the 1970s and 1980s the geographical pattern to this support, at least as expressed in votes for the Scottish National Party (SNP), seemed very clear. Suddenly the picture changed between 2011 and 2016, to the extent that the whole of Scotland, notwithstanding the overall ‘No’ vote on Scottish independence in the 2014 referendum, seemed to be lining up to some degree or another in the ‘nationalist column.’ As quickly, this proved ephemeral. As of 2017, the future of the central goal of Scottish nationalism is once more in doubt because of a new geography of support and disaffection that seems to reflect a number of recent trends in attitudes towards voting for the SNP. The article maps the course of the older and newer geographies of Scottish nationalism in terms of the overall political economy of the country, given its proponents’ heavy emphasis on economic themes, and the ways this is refracted through place-to-place social and economic differences across the country.