建国初期知识分子思想改造运动的政治心理分析

建国初知识分子思想改造运动是我们党巩固新政权,建设新中国的重大举措。本文对1949年底到1957年初的知识分子思想改造运动分团结为主、改造为主、认同为主三个阶段进行政治心理剖析。     

20世纪50年代人民解放军领导指挥体制改革的回顾

<正>20世纪50年代,国家军事领导指挥体制等进行了多次调整,逐步建立起一整套与当时战争形态和军队建设条件相适应的领导指挥体制,主要分以下三个阶段:1949年10月至1954年9月,成立中央人民政府人民革命军事委员会,作为国家政权体制的重要组成部分和国家最高军事领导机关,统一领导国防建设并指挥全国武装力量;1954年9月至1958年,重建中共中央军事委员会、设立国防委员会和国防部,奠定了新中国军事领导指挥体制的制     

董必武对建国初期政权建设和法制建设的贡献

董必武是新中国政权建设和法制建设的杰出领导者、马克思主义法学家。在土地革命战争时期,他先后担任中央工农检察委员会副主席、根据地临时最高法庭主席、最高法院院长,为苏维埃政权的法制建设做了大量开创性的工作。建国后,董必武被任命为政务院副总理、政治法律委员会主任,在民主建政、司法改革、培养政法干部、健全政法机构等方面做了大量工作,尤其是在法学理论研究方面颇有建树,为巩固人民民主专政做出了重要贡献。一、从事毕北建政工作,为建国初期政权建设积累了宝贵经验董必武对政权建设的经验主要来自于建国前夕主持华北建政…     

新中国成立初期乌鲁木齐市各族各界人民代表会议的历史考察

乌鲁木齐市各族各界人民代表会议是在新疆少数民族聚居区民主建政的首个试点.首届会议以建设新政权为主题,启发和教育各族人民民主参政议政,携手共建新的政权体制;第二届至第四届会议以发展生产为主题,发动和组织群众肃清匪特、发展生产,逐步扩大民族民主统一战线;第五届会议以巩固政权为主题,引导人民选举人民政府,树立人民的优势地位,实现当家作主的权利.乌鲁木齐市各族各界人民代表会议循序渐进地培育了人民的民主自觉,贯彻了党的民族政策,实现了向人民代表大会的演进,最终完成了乌鲁木齐市的民主建政,为提高党在新疆的执政能力积累了宝贵经验.     

建国初期中共政权建设与农村社会变迁--以1949-1952年湖南省醴陵县为个案

1949-1952年,中国共产党通过和平接管、区划调整、民主建政建构了一套新的农村基层政权体系。征粮支前和清匪反霸运动的开展,废除了保甲制,打击了乡村旧有权威。土地改革和镇压反革命运动重组了乡村社会结构,重塑了新的社会关系。醴陵县的个案显示,国家权力的下移极为深刻地影响了农村社会的发展。     

华东财委的由来与影响

1949～1978年,中共党内在发展经济的问题上有过几次重大分歧。1949～1953年,围绕着过渡时期总路线,分歧集中在是巩固新民主主义革命成果还是加速向苏式社会主义转化;1955～1957年,分歧集中在农村合作化领域;l958～1962年,围绕着三面红旗,分歧集中在计划平衡的跃进与反冒进领域;1962～1978年,分歧转移到以阶级斗争为纲还是以经济建设为中心。在每次重大分歧中,都有华东的代表人物站在主流派的对立面。这可能不是偶然的。     

盛世才治新时期新疆农村基层政权建设体系中的中共特色

盛世才治新时期,新疆局势渐趋稳定后,他效仿中共基层民主建政做法,使新疆基层政权革新初步凸显中共政治民主化色彩。在县级政权,盛世才效仿中共民主集中制原则,设置县政务委员会,民主议决与执行;在县级以下政权建设中推行区村制、民主选举区村长、实施村代表会制。通过借鉴中共基层民主建政经验,盛世才不仅首次健全了新疆基层政权体系,而且率先引入了中共政治民主化的措施,这也在一定程度上推动了当时新疆各项事业的发展。     

新中国成立初期的政治法律委员会研究

新中国成立初期的政治法律委员会是设立在政务院内部,指导与联系政法机关、承担特定历史任务的过渡性机构。从1949年成立到1954年被撤销,政治法律委员会在新中国国家法制与政权建设中发挥了重要作用,为巩固新生政权、保证土地改革和经济恢复工作的顺利进行提供了有力保障。政治法律委员会对当代中国政法传统的形成产生了深远影响,它推动、树立的政法工作逻辑与理念至今仍发挥着重要影响。     

接管建政初期湖南省长沙专区基层干部培养整顿工作探析

干部队伍建设是政权建设和组织建设的核心内容。中共长沙地委在接管建政之初,急需大批干部投入到支前征粮和民主建政等各项工作中,但面临基层干部紧缺、素质参差不齐等问题。为此,中共长沙地委将培养、整顿干部作为组织工作和政权建设的中心任务,通过采取开办干部学校和训练班、审查甄别旧职员、建立学习机制和开展干部整风等举措,培养和选拔了大批知识分子和工农干部,并逐步提高了干部的素质和思想觉悟,初步整顿了工作作风,为长沙专区进行社会主义改造奠定了组织上和思想上的基础。     

湖北省政协的成立与初期发展

湖北省各界人民代表会议的召开与协商委员会湖北省各界人民代表会议召开的历史背景1949年5月16日,武汉和平解放。5月20日,中共湖北省委、湖北省人民政府成立。此后,湖北省委、省政府着力加强民主政治建设,健全人民民主机构,团结一切拥护新政权的人士,调动一切积极因素,扩大这个政权的民主性和人民性。在民主政权建设中,湖北省委、省政府特别注意发挥人民代表会议的作用。根据《中国人民政治协商会议共同纲领》,湖北属于新解放区,在普选的人民代表大会召开之前,由地方各界人民代表会议(简称各代会)逐步代行人民代表大会职权。各界人民代表会…     

Reorganization of Guilds and State Control of Small Business: A Case Study of the Teahouse Guild in Early 1950s Chengdu

This paper attempts to investigate the decline of Chinese guilds in the early 1950s and to show how political change altered economic life in China. Although the socialist transformation of private ownership started in 1954, the new government used state power to gradually weaken private ownership far before that time, building a foundation for the full-scale socialist transformation later. The reorganization of the Teahouse Guild in Chengdu reflected the general policies of the Communist Party that changed traditional social and economic organizations. The new guild almost became a representative of the government in the teahouse profession, which no longer maintained the nature of the traditional guilds. Actually, the guilds existed in name only after the reorganization of the early 1950s, and the teahouse guild disappeared after 1953. The death of the guild was a result of decline among social organizations and the growing strength of state power.     

Regional Inequality of Industrial Output in China, 1952 to 1990

This paper examines regional inequality of industrial output in China from 1952 to 1990. This study reveals that regional inequality was widespread when socialist China was established in 1949. It was reduced in the 1950s as a result of the efforts to develop the interior through the implementation of the First Five Year Plan (1953–57). After that, regional inequality persisted for one-and-a-half decades due mainly to the poor economic returns of the defence-oriented "Third Front" programme, decentralization, the reorientation of development policies, and the incidence of disruptive political events. Since the launch of economic reforms in 1978, interregional inequality among the eastern, central and western regions has gradually increased. However, interprovincial inequality decreased. The relative decline of the traditionally rich provinces (three municipalities and the northeastern industrial bases) has contributed to the decline of interprovincial inequality. Meanwhile, favourable state policy, local initiatives and foreign investment and trade have stimulated the growth of the coastal provinces of Jiangsu, Guangdong, Shandong, Zhejiang and Fujian, leading to more rapid coastal development and the increase of interregional inequality. The emerging new map of regional development is important to the understanding of regional inequality in post-Mao China.     

美国对台湾的援助政策初探:1949～1953年

1949～1953年是冷战开始后美台关系的起点.这一时期美国对台湾的援助政策具有相当的稳定性,尽管在执行过程中采取了一些“模糊”策略,但并不存在由“放弃”到“扶植”的明确转折,更没有放弃台湾的切实行动.至1953年共和党执政时,美国对台湾援助政策的最大限度是将其作为“战略后备军”服务于美国的远东冷战.     

1950—1957年我国华侨投资政策分析

论文梳理了1950—1957年间我国华侨投资政策逐步形成和发展的三个阶段,阐述了这一时期华侨投资政策的几个鲜明特点：明显的阶段性、服务于国内经济建设的大局、与争取侨汇的目标相一致以及尽可能顾及华侨的利益和意愿。在此基础上,论文对这一时期的华侨投资政策进行了评价,并对影响华侨投资政策制定的各种因素予以探讨,从其经验教训中获得对当今华侨投资政策的启示。     

Beyond Ideological Conflict: Political Incorporation of Buddhist Youth in the Early PRC

This essay explores the impact of governance on the Chinese religious landscape during the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) through a case study of the Young Buddhist Association (YBA) of Shanghai. Despite the official atheist ideology of the Chinese Communist Party, during this era of New Democracy the YBA experienced Communist governance in practice as a process of political incorporation rather than coercive eradication. As its Buddhist youth movement not only survived the Communist takeover in 1949 but gained momentum well into the 1950s, the YBA was propelled to the forefront of the Buddhist community in Shanghai and became the most active and influential grassroots Buddhist organization in the early PRC. The case of the YBA demonstrates that incorporation into the new political order of the 1950s had transformative effects on the spatial construction, identity formation, and social dynamics of religious communities that cannot be reduced to steps toward their eventual elimination during the Cultural Revolution.     

Pre-1949 Chinese IR: an occluded history

Chinese scholars have achieved a comprehensive consensus on the disciplinary history of International Relations (IR) in China. However, this collective understanding of the evolution of Chinese IR is problematic because it denies the existence of pre-1949 Chinese IR and mistakenly sets the starting point of Chinese IR to be the mid 1960s, thus providing a progressive image of the IR discipline in China which is historically untenable. This essay rectifies this misunderstanding by reconstructing the history of Chinese IR before 1949. It verifies the existence of pre-1949 Chinese IR by reviewing the IR-relevant institutional setting in Chinese universities before 1949 and comparing the situation before 1949 with that in the mid 1960s, when the three IR departments were established. Further, the essay tentatively explains why pre-1949 Chinese IR has disappeared in the mainstream discourse of the history of Chinese IR. It argues that the interruption of the evolution of IR in China in the early 1950s and the specific power–knowledge interaction mode established in Chinese IR in the late 1950s are the two main causes responsible for the absence of pre-1949 Chinese IR in the history of the IR discipline in China.     

The Development of Social Insurance in Iran: Technical-Financial Conditions and Political Rationales, 1941–1960

This text brings the case of Iranian social insurance (SI) to bear on the processes shaping Iranian politics from 1941 to 1960. It holds that the political needs of upper class rule (1941–51) and of the early autocratic regime (1953–1960) helped to shape SI's nature, extent, and limits. A key objective was to propagandistically use a minimal version of SI to try undermining communist and workers' trade unionist agitation. Iranian SI had two rationales. Although a few workers demanded SI measures during the Constitutional Revolution, the first SI program (1922, 1931, 1933) covered government employees, i.e. was a function of state-building. This paper focuses on a second program, targeting non-government workers. Starting in 1936 (1943, 1949), it was meant to tackle the social and political challenges posed by a nascent industrial working class. However, throughout the 1940s, workers' SI laws remained a dead letter, and the first integrated SI bureaucracy (1953), although ensuring 180,000 people, was in reality quite inefficient.     

Reversing the view of ‘political pilgrims’: re-examining Italian travelogues about China in the 1950s

Scholars often consider the mostly positive representations of China by Italian visitors in the 1950s as the false and embellished depictions of political pilgrims. This article challenges this oversimplified interpretation. Based on evidence from commonly cited travel accounts, this article argues that Italian writers’ leftist political sympathies did not necessarily lead to self-censorship or intentional embellishment of China, nor did the host country’s control and surveillance over foreigners simply make Italian visitors willing to cooperate or produce positive feedback. Putting these travel accounts in their social and historical contexts, the article shows that Italian intellectuals’ positive representations of China in the 1950s, as well as the severe criticisms that were raised in the 1960s and 1970s, were rooted in reality and reflected the radical changes in Chinese society and Sino-Italian relations over the course of the Maoist era (1949–1976).     

Rethinking Twentieth‐Century Guadalajara

This paper discusses the impact of the conference ‘Las Olvidadas: Gender and Women's History in Post‐Revolutionary Mexico’ that took place at Yale University in May 2001, into my own work on women's political mobilisations. It points out from where I departed and how it changed my perspective from women's history to gender history by focusing on women workers in the tortilla industry, a union cacicazgo (political bossism), civic culture, narratives, cultural memory and female political trajectories after the granting of women's suffrage in 1953 in Jalisco.     

1949—1950年新中国生产救灾的地方实践——以山东省五莲县为例

生产救灾是1949—1950年新中国受灾地区党和政府的中心工作。党和政府强调恢复和发展农业生产是救灾的根本办法。为此,山东省五莲县在冬季因地制宜,重点开展固定代耕和积肥运动,进行了充分的春耕准备;春季则推广良种,及时发放救济粮和贷放贸易粮,保障了农业生产顺利进行。在1949—1950年的生产救灾工作中,党和政府发挥着组织领导作用,采取了积极的救灾方式,既有力地解决了劳动力、畜力不足等问题,又有效地防治了病虫害,从而最终保证了土地适时耕种,迎来了农业丰收。