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1.
国家"抢救和保护中国人类口头和非物质遗产工程"的启动,为青海花儿的生存和发展带来了契机。要做好花儿文化生态的保护,应当在对传统花儿、花儿会等遗产进行保护的同时,对花儿生态系统进行人为调控,使得花儿文化能走上"可持续发展"之路。 相似文献
2.
以"互译性"的视角来看,在近代的歌谣学学术史研究中,还有许多术语都值得重新梳理,ballad就是其中之一。它是较早被来华西方人引入中国的术语,也引起了中国知识分子相当多的讨论。从来华西方人的引介来看,ballad在中译的过程中,虽然也存在内涵不明确等问题,但其基本指向还是与欧洲语境中所指的"叙事的短歌"一致。中国知识分子在引介ballad时,则出现了术语混乱的现象。而基于歌谣运动中对音乐性的忽视、对抒情性的青睐及对民众基础的追求等特点,folksong得以最终取代ballad,成为"歌谣"的代名词。 相似文献
3.
原生态民歌热唱现象,反映出当今社会大众的心理和文化倾向,引起了全社会对民族口授文化遗产更多的重视。分析并关注这些大众心理和文化倾向,不仅有利于提高全社会对青海非物质文化遗产——民歌的更多关注,也为从民歌角度认识社会提供了一条有效的途径。 相似文献
4.
杨明 《古籍整理研究学刊》2006,(3):1-7
“相和歌辞”是郭茂倩编撰的《乐府诗集》中的重要部分。郭氏往往在各曲调名下撰写解释、说明的文字,其中常引录南朝陈释智匠的《古今乐录》一书,而《古今乐录》又常引述晋朝荀勖、南朝宋张永、齐王僧虔的著作。由于这样辗转引述,且《古今乐录》及其所引的著作久已不传,故今人阅读时颇感困难。本文即对郭氏所撰写的“相和歌辞”的若干题解加以分析,并得出了某些比较重要的结论。 相似文献
5.
Henrik Rosengren 《Scandinavian journal of history》2013,38(2):245-261
This article deals with the Finnish-Swedish, Jewish composer and author Moses Pergament and his relationship with Wagner's theories, anti-Semitism in particular, and their influence on the development of modern Swedish classical music during the interwar period. The author emphasizes the importance of recognizing that Pergament's reaction to Wagner's cultural theories was part and parcel of his struggle for assimilation. The basis of Pergament's interpretation of Wagner was the notion that it is possible to separate life and belief: the anti-Semitism and enthusiastic lechery were part of Wagner's life, to which it was not necessary to attach much importance. The beliefs, on the other hand, were there to be analysed. Furthermore, an explicit and public critique of Wagner's anti-Semitism was inconsistent with an attempt to gain a foothold in Swedish cultural life. As Wagner's anti-Semitism was well known but was deemed either acceptable or irrelevant, paying attention to it was by definition proof of a Jewish identification. To be accepted as a Swedish music critic, Pergament had to follow the unwritten rules of the game, amongst them the requirement not to exhibit his ‘Jewishness’ openly. The actions of certain members of Föreningen Svenska Tonsättare (FST, the Association of Swedish Composers) indicate that Pergament's work was not thought to indicate a Swedish identification. On the contrary, his reviews were seen as a threat to ‘Swedish music’, and with implicit references to Wagner this was attributed to Pergament's supposed lack of feeling for the ‘spirit of the Swedish people’. 相似文献
6.
以《中国评论》为中心的中国民俗搜集活动堪称西方世界的中国"歌谣运动":活动始于民俗及民间文学资料征集,以报刊为媒介扩散影响,继而引起广泛关注,并由社会各界共同参与,其中"歌谣"地位卓然,成果显著。更重要的是,它真正开启了西方现代中国民俗学研究,第一次用明确的学科眼光审视中国民俗。面对歌谣及其他民俗形式,中西心态的差异可以从"民间"和"街头"意义的错落中约略窥见。"民间"预设了上下层级,有"民间"便有"庙堂",有"民众"便有"眼光向下""到民间去"的"我们"。"街头"却展示了另一种构图:所有人位属同一平面,在同一条喧嚣的街上,没有层级,或者说没有内部的上下层级,因为"我们"始终是群体外泾渭分明的他者。西方这些早期起步于街头的中国民俗研究,或许资料性大于学理性,开风气多过立典范,在当下价值有限,但这段历史却是我们不应该遗忘的。 相似文献
7.
Tom Herron 《Irish Studies Review》2019,27(2):161-176
More than fifty years after its publication as a broadsheet ballad, John Montague’s “The Rape of the Aisling” (1967) retains its satirical force. Whilst not the first instance in Irish writing to acknowledge sexual abuse of young people by priests (two years earlier John McGahern’s The Dark had been banned partly on the grounds of its rendering of clerical malfeasance), Montague’s rough ballad nonetheless places sexual abuse at the very heart of its assault on the Catholic Church’s baleful influence on a society on the cusp of dramatic social change. By adopting, and radically adapting, that most malleable of literary forms – the aisling or dream-vision poem – Montague seems to suggest that in mid-twentieth-century Ireland it is not the “Saxon occupier” who poses a risk to Republican ideals. Now, it is members of a home-grown patriarchy, the “access-all-areas men in black” who abuse and rape children and young people in their care, who seek to compromise the Proclamation’s promise to cherish “all of the children of the nation equally”. 相似文献
8.
占星医学是16-17世纪英格兰社会实践的重要组成部分,研究占星医学可以从一个侧面揭示英格兰社会的肌理,有助于我们更好地理解这个时代。占星术认为宏观的宇宙影响着地球上的一切。这一时期最著名的占星家是西蒙·福尔曼和理查德·纳皮尔。占星医学神秘的仪式感、占星医学把疾病放在更广阔的背景下进行解释、占星家试图通过深奥的\"科学\"来解释这个世界的谜题是占星医学流行的主要原因。占星医学填补了当时医疗市场的不足,并为时人提供了宗教之外纾解病痛和压力的渠道。当时也存在对占星医学质疑的声音,认为它是迷信的、骗人的把戏。 相似文献
9.
太平洋战争爆发后,印度地缘战略重要性凸显。为了取得印度的参战配合,1942年英国派出克里普斯使团去印度解决英印关系危机,美国则派出了以约翰逊为首的技术使团赴印协助双方解决问题。从约翰逊被任命到该使团为调停印度事务大费周折的过程,透视出美国在这一时期对印度外交政策的矛盾性:既支持印度的独立,充当反殖民主义的斗士;又试图加强对印度的政治经济渗透,同时还不得不顾及英美两国的特殊关系。而一旦需要作出选择,英美关系又往往会被放在外交政策考量的首位,这恰恰反映了美国传统的理想主义与现实主义外交之间的深层矛盾。 相似文献
10.
Matthew Z. Mayer 《国际历史评论》2013,35(2):257-299
This article examines Lyndon Johnson's handling of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) nuclear-sharing issue and specifically plans for a NATO Multilateral Force during the first three years of his presidency. The article argues that although Johnson did not confront the nuclear sharing/Multilateral Force issue directly for the first year of his presidency, he subsequently made sensible policy decisions in the face of a number of challenges. These included pressure for a speedy resolution of the nuclear-sharing issue from within his own State Department and from the government of the Federal Republic of Germany on the one side, and opposition to the Multilateral Force from the British and French governments on the other. The nuclear-sharing issue is discussed in the context of challenges to NATO, most notably French President Charles de Gaulle's rejection of US leadership and his withdrawal of French forces from NATO's integrated military structure in 1966 and broader debates about nuclear consultation within the alliance. The article concludes that by using the advisory process well and through some deft diplomacy, particularly refusing to demand a quick resolution to the nuclear-sharing problem, the Johnson administration had effectively resolved the nuclear-sharing issue by late 1966. 相似文献
11.
Ayesha Jalal 《国际历史评论》2013,35(3):409-433
This article illustrates US policy on European integration and the European Economic Community (EEC) by focusing on the General Agreement on Tarriff and Trade (GATT) Kennedy Round negotiations (1963–7). However underestimated in the history of international relations, GATT provides in fact an outstanding framework for analysing the foreign policy of its members. Whilst analyses of the Round per se already exist, no scholar thus far has focused on US policy towards European integration. Moreover, no previous author has utilised the European archives and has examined the stances of the EEC. This article shows that US support for European integration, which both Kennedy and Johnson followed at the behest of the ‘Europeanists’ in their respective administrations, conditioned the bargaining position of the United States in Geneva. The US negotiators tried to enhance US trade interests while at the same time attempting to encourage European regional integration. In so doing, the United States played a role in the strengthening of European regional integration by favouring the unity of the area. Moreover, contrary to previous accounts, this article shows that US negotiators were able to direct and move forward a complicated negotiation, showing Washington's leadership. The article concludes by showing that the Kennedy Round ended a period of about twenty years during which the United States acted to promote the unity of Western Europe. At the end of the 1960s, with the worsening of the US economic conditions, the tension in transatlantic relations over monetary and security issues, and the strength that the EEC demonstrated during the Kennedy Round, ‘the Europeanists’ were no longer able to prevail with their line in the internal discussions. This change became apparent when the Nixon administration shifted to a more detached and ambiguous policy towards European integration. 相似文献
12.
Richard R. Heiser 《Journal of Medieval History》2017,43(5):505-522
The source material that records the history of the Third Crusade gives the impression that Richard was a king who found it easy to interact with people from different backgrounds. Though he was one of the greatest warrior-kings of the medieval era, he was comfortable with churchmen and knights, with Frenchmen and Anglo-Normans, with lords and clerks, with his men and his father’s men. No doubt every royal court was a bustling, perhaps nearly chaotic, environment, but the individuals found in this study indicate that the court of Richard I was not an ivory tower to which only his barons had access. 相似文献
13.
《Political Theology》2013,14(1):37-59
AbstractPostliberals have hailed H. Richard Niebuhr's The Meaning of Revelation as a harbinger of narrative theology. A careful reading of Niebuhr's argument, however, suggests a theological ethic that is at once attentive to the narrative formation of agency and yet distinct from postliberalism because of its attention to the divine object of Christians' stories. Niebuhr's theocentrism yields a view of narrative as opened from the inside because it requires appropriation of what he calls "external" narratives in order to do justice to the sovereignty of God. The result is a theological ethic which is sharply critical of modern conceptions of agency and yet continually sifted by contemporary insights and experience. 相似文献
14.
In 1405 Richard Scrope, archbishop of York, rebelled against Henry IV and was executed. He has been seen by historians as being easily led into rebelling against the king by other rebels and also as rather a fool. Although it survives in no contemporary copy, a Manifesto containing 10 charges against Henry's government was attributed to the archbishop by contemporaries. Contemporary chroniclers and historians alike have disparaged this document as having little to do with political reality and as such reflects the simple-mindedness of its author; Archbishop Scrope. This article discusses six of the charges (grouped in pairs) contained in various versions of the Manifesto that centre on Henry IV's alleged abuses of government, specifically: 1 and 2) that the king had oppressively taxed both his lay and clerical subjects; 3 and 4) that the king had replaced experienced government officials with new men who had lined their pockets and that the king had subverted the appointment to the office of sheriff; finally 5 and 6) that he subverted the selection process for knights of the shire and subverted their rights to ‘act freely’ in parliament. The article demonstrates that the archbishop's charges were not ‘naïve nonsense’ but reflected political reality and resonated with those who read them. 相似文献
15.
《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(4):358-371
In 1405 Richard Scrope, archbishop of York, rebelled against Henry IV and was executed. He has been seen by historians as being easily led into rebelling against the king by other rebels and also as rather a fool. Although it survives in no contemporary copy, a Manifesto containing 10 charges against Henry's government was attributed to the archbishop by contemporaries. Contemporary chroniclers and historians alike have disparaged this document as having little to do with political reality and as such reflects the simple-mindedness of its author; Archbishop Scrope. This article discusses six of the charges (grouped in pairs) contained in various versions of the Manifesto that centre on Henry IV's alleged abuses of government, specifically: 1 and 2) that the king had oppressively taxed both his lay and clerical subjects; 3 and 4) that the king had replaced experienced government officials with new men who had lined their pockets and that the king had subverted the appointment to the office of sheriff; finally 5 and 6) that he subverted the selection process for knights of the shire and subverted their rights to ‘act freely’ in parliament. The article demonstrates that the archbishop's charges were not ‘naïve nonsense’ but reflected political reality and resonated with those who read them. 相似文献
16.
Nigel Ashton 《国际历史评论》2016,38(1):24-44
United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 of 22 November 1967 continues to rank as a key point of reference for the Arab-Israeli peace process. The resolution laid down a ‘land for peace’ formula for the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, under which Israel would withdraw from territories occupied during the June 1967 Arab-Israeli War in exchange for full peace agreements with its Arab neighbours. This article analyses the Anglo-American diplomacy at the United Nations which led to the passing of the resolution. It argues that the policy-making of the Johnson administration was rendered incoherent by internal rivalries and disorganisation. US Ambassador to the UN, Arthur Goldberg, was perceived as excessively sympathetic to Israel by the Arab delegations. The British approach, by contrast, was perceived by all parties as more even-handed. The clear position adopted by Foreign Secretary George Brown on Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories, together with the skilful diplomacy of the Ambassador to the UN, Lord Caradon, explains the British success in sponsoring Resolution 242. The episode holds broader lessons for the conduct of Anglo-American relations showing that Britain was better placed to achieve diplomatic success when it retained its freedom of manoeuvre in relations with the United States. 相似文献
17.
约翰逊政府时期,美国一方面把中美大使级会谈作为应对批评美国对华政策缺乏灵活性的挡箭牌,把中美僵硬对峙的责任推给中国;另一方面,随着国际局势的变化,开始把中美大使级会谈作为与中国联系的潜在的、有用的渠道,避免两国发生直接武装冲突。约翰逊政府与尼克松政府对会谈的不同立场,说明20世纪60年代中美关系是由美国对华政策决定的,美国在中美关系中占据主导地位。 相似文献
18.
李提摩太在<万国公报>上发表过很多宣传基督教的文章,在当时有一定影响.他宣传基督教,要求中国人改信基督教,具有强烈的殖民色彩.同时,他也介绍西学,对中西文化交流起了一定的作用. 相似文献
19.
出现于20世纪40年代末的\"和谐论\"史学,是美国史学的一个重要流派.它以和谐的笔调赞美美国社会内部的连续性与一致性,体现了二战后美国民众的普遍心态以及历史学这门学科的衍化.以\"和谐论\"史学的主要代表人物、美国著名的政治史学家理查德·霍夫施塔特(Richard Hofstadter)为个案,便于说明\"和谐论\"史学的旨趣. 相似文献
20.