Austrian foreign cultural policy: Europeanization through the prism of national interests

ABSTRACT

In the second half of 2018, Austria for the third time has taken over the EU Council Presidency and is therefore particularly interested in promoting an image of itself as a reliable partner and a European country which accepts and protects European values. Foreign cultural policy is one of the suitable instruments for achieving this goal. The present paper analyses Austrian foreign cultural policy with the aim of finding out how European integration affects it. The paper uses qualitative research methods such as desk research, document research and expert interviews. The results of the analyses show that Austrian stakeholders traditionally consider Europeanization primarily as a tool to promote Austrian national interests on the international stage.     

Constitutionalist Pu Dianjun and his new cultural movement

ABSTRACT

This article challenges the standard historiography of the New Culture Movement by tracing the important role played by Pu Dianjun, a key member of the Constitution Research Group, in the broader cultural reform movement in early Republican China. It examines Pu’s years as the president and chief editor of Chenbao (1918–1922), which he transformed from a little-read partisan paper to a widely circulated and intellectually influential newspaper in Beijing. It demonstrates that Pu’s cultural endeavors, which consisted of efforts at societal change through individual awakening, were geared toward his political ideal – the transformation of Chinese commoners into capable voters in a constitutional system. Despite his absence from the standard historiography, Pu left important legacies affecting life in China today.     

保障公民的文化权益是维护社会公平的重要保证

公民文化权利与公民政治权利、经济权利一样,属于公民的基本权利。保障公民文化权益,不断满足人民群众日益增长的精神文化需求,对全面建设小康社会和构建和谐社会具有重大的意义。文化差距而产生的文化矛盾、公共文化服务资源短缺等是制约当前公民文化权益健康发展的主要因素。因此,我们必须从现阶段经济社会发展水平出发,以实现和保障公民基本文化权益、满足广大人民群众基本文化需求为目标,坚持公共服务普遍均等原则,兼顾城乡之间、地区之间的协调发展,最大限度地满足人民群众日益增长的精神文化需求。     

The limits of objective interests

Jack L. Goldsmith and Eric A. Posner are influential academics in American debates on international law. Their recent book, The limits of international law, is appraised in this review article. It discusses the exclusion in their analysis of the possibility that states have a real or perceived interest in complying with international law per se. It explains that this is at odds with the authors' subjective approach to state interests, and essentially guarantees their conclusion that international law compliance is solely instrumental. Furthermore, the article discusses the problem that the authors fail to engage with relevant scholarship that provides a counterpoint to theirs, in particular with regard to constructivism. On the basis of these critiques the review concludes that the book is flawed and cannot be considered to have made its case.     

The philosophical systems of Francesco Patrizi and Henry More

ABSTRACT

This paper presents a comparison of the philosophical systems of Francesco Patrizi and Henry More. The point, however, is not to demonstrate Patrizi’s influence on More but rather to see how, with respect to some particular subjects, they both tried to offer a modern interpretation of Neoplatonism. The main axis of the analysis follows the topics of space, light, and soul. While to More, light is of merely marginal interest, it is demonstrated that space and soul are of crucial importance and play a similar role in both authors’ systems. They function as intermediary entities that link the higher and the lower reality and form a sort of canvas upon which the material world unfolds. Yet, in comparison with Patrizi, More’s system is both constrained by a much stricter, dualistic classification and at the same time veers dangerously close to immanentism and pantheism (which More tries to avoid).     

对社会主义荣辱观的哲学思考

社会主义荣辱观是建设中国特色社会主义理论的重要组成部分。文章尝试从马克思主义辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义相统一的角度,分析以“八荣八耻”为核心的社会主义荣辱观的理论逻辑体系及其特征,探索社会主义荣辱观的社会实践意义和道德评价功能。     

The failure of the Patarine movement

Although the authors of recent literature on the Patarine movement in Milan (1057-75) have very different intellectual backgrounds, they all try to study and interpret the movement in its complete historical context, and they point to the circumstances or special combination of circumstances which caused the movement to fail. Its failure was due in part to its relationship to the social structure. In this article we first show why this relationship needs to be re-examined and then go on to investigate how the place of the movement in the social structure contributed to its failure and dramatic collapse.     

The failure of the Patarine movement

Although the authors of recent literature on the Patarine movement in Milan (1057-75) have very different intellectual backgrounds, they all try to study and interpret the movement in its complete historical context, and they point to the circumstances or special combination of circumstances which caused the movement to fail. Its failure was due in part to its relationship to the social structure. In this article we first show why this relationship needs to be re-examined and then go on to investigate how the place of the movement in the social structure contributed to its failure and dramatic collapse.     

和平队的历史文化渊源

和平队创建于20世纪60年代肯尼迪政府时期,它是作为一个对外志愿援助机构的面目出现的.之所以在美国出现这样一个援外志愿者组织,除了肯尼迪政府对美国对外政策的调整的现实考虑,更主要是美国具有和平队所提倡的历史文化传统,如美国社会广泛存在的志愿者精神、美国历史上形成的边疆传统和拓荒者精神以及往届政府的政策实践等.     

The survival of the pro-choice movement

In the US, the pro-choice movement has not only survived but grown stronger in the 25 years since the legalization of abortion provided its greatest victory. This longevity is explained through an examination of the internal organizational changes which have taken place in the movement as well as the external changes which have taken place in the political environment surrounding the movement. After providing a theoretical basis for this investigation, the history of the pro-choice movement in the US is traced in light of these elements. In the pre-1973 era, the movement lacked formal organization but was bolstered by external political factors provided by the protest cycle of the 1960s. During 1973-76, the actions of anti-abortion groups forced pro-choice groups to develop the more formalized organizational structures which helped the pro-choice movement survive its initial success and the decline of the era of protests. In the period 1976-83, the anti-abortion movement achieved passage of the Hyde Amendment banning federal funding of abortions. This victory by the opposition led to an expansion in the pro-choice movement which included the formation of many local reproductive rights organizations. Many of these organizations failed to create formalized structures and, therefore, failed to maintain their impetus to survive. However, NARAL (the National Association for Repeal of Abortion Laws) had adopted a more formalized structure and professional leadership following the Hyde legislation and developed strong, formal connections with its state affiliates while continuing to strengthen grassroots actions. The visible threats to abortion laws mounted by the anti-abortion groups added to NARAL's strength. During 1983-89, the pro-choice movement gained some key victories which threatened its survival. Continued activity on the part of the anti-abortion groups (such as release of the movie "The Silent Scream") generated enough pro-choice support, however, to weather this period. The activities of Operation Rescue also stimulated pro-choice reactions. In the period 1989-92, the Supreme Court gave pro-choice groups a victory in its Webster vs. Reproductive Health decision. Thus, NARAL's membership grew to an unprecedented 400,000 in 1990 and allowed the group to pump money into local grassroots activities. By the time the Court issued its Casey decision in 1992, neither group was willing to claim victory, although the ruling was a great victory for pro-choice forces because although the Court allowed states to impose new restrictions to abortion, it refused to overturn Roe vs. Wade. 1992 also saw the election of a pro-choice President who was able to appoint a pro-choice Justice to the Supreme Court in 1993. The ability of the pro-choice movement to survive victory (the creation of a favorable political opportunity structure) will be decided by the critical battles surrounding attempts to limit access to abortion providers as well as the accessibility of drug-induced abortion. State legislatures will remain major battlefields because of the Court-allowed restrictions. The pro-choice movement will also have to resolve conflicts over strategy such as whether to appeal to mainstream Americans or use the favorable climate to push for rights. The pro-choice movement will likely survive because the anti-abortion groups continue to pose threats and because formal organizations with professional leadership will keep the issues before the membership.     

Aesthetics versus function: the fall of the Dee bridge, 1847

Abstract

Numerous new bridges were needed when the railway line from London to Holyhead in Wales was built in the 1840s. The project's chief engineer, Robert Stephenson, chose a cast iron girder design to cross the river Dee just outside Chester, and the bridge was finished in November 1846. About six months later, on 24 May 1847, a local train was crossing the final span when one of the girders failed suddenly, sending most of the train crashing into the river below. Five lives were lost. The accident created a national furore, and Stephenson came close to being accused of manslaughter for the design. We have reviewed the witness evidence and concluded that the bridge probably failed by fatigue due to a defect at a sharp corner in a flange on a girder. The corner was present in a cavetto moulding, which had presumably been added as an artistic flourish.     

Creating twenty-first century Korean bodies: public movement education practice,cultural policy and therapeutic ethos

This article focuses on the public movement education practices of a group of middle-class, Korean dance instructors at the Korea Laban Movement Institute (KLMI), a recently established civil institution in Seoul, South Korea. The KLMI classes promote self-directed and well-rounded Korean bodies through student-centered and egalitarian movement instruction. In recent years, these classes received public funds from the culture and arts foundations supported by the state’s cultural policies, as well as attention from Korean public media. This research introduces the public movement education practices that have aligned well with the state’s early twenty-first century cultural policies by making culture and arts education more accessible to the average Korean. In addition, the study shows the broader impact of KLMI’s public movement education practices, which have merged into the political and social landscapes of contemporary South Korea.     

The uncertain merger of values and interests in UK foreign policy

How should ethics and values relate to the British national interest? The idea that ethical commitments to distant non‐citizens should occupy a position within British foreign policy was a controversial element of Labour's foreign policy during the early part of their 1997–2010 tenure. Rather than undermining traditional national interest concerns, one of the defining themes within Labour's foreign policy was that values and national interests were becoming increasingly merged in a globalized world. The post‐2010 coalition government has made distinct efforts to differentiate themselves from their predecessors, crafting a more pragmatic and national interest‐based foreign policy approach. Despite this, significant continuities with Labour's ‘ethical dimension’ are evident and many associated policies and practices have survived the transition. Moreover, the suggestion that British values and interests are interrelated and mutually reinforcing has been re‐asserted, with renewed vigour, by coalition policy‐makers. The article traces the ways in which values and interests have become increasingly merged in the language of recent British foreign policy and examines the implications for our understanding of the UK's national interest. It argues that the idea of an almost symbiotic relationship between values and interests is fundamentally unhelpful and makes the case for greater disaggregation of the two. Although a zero–sum game need not exist between core national interests and ethical obligations abroad, the suggestion that they are mutually reinforcing obscures the tensions that frequently arise between these different realms of obligation. Using the examples of failed state stabilization and UK arms trade regulation, the article demonstrates how uncritical acceptance of the values–interests merger risks producing unstable policy formulations.     

The 1994 Mardi Gras telecast: Conflicting minorities and the judgment of public interests

In 1994 the ABC announced that it would screen an edited telecast of the forthcoming Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras. This proposal stimulated a major public campaign by opposing groups. Some opposed the timing of the telecast and others opposed a screening at any time. This campaign was distinguished by its scale, the vehemence of some of the views expressed and by their generally uncompromising character. Amongst other issues, the legitimacy of homosexuality as a lifestyle was challenged, as were the claims of homosexuals to social and political standing. This paper considers the task facing those—in this case the ABC board—who must respond to such campaigns. The empirical core of the paper is an analysis of the approximately 5000 protest letters received by the ABC. This covers the gender and occupation of the correspondents, their postal districts and their interest group affiliations. Further, the arguments of correspondents are analysed to identify the principal themes and propositions. How this campaign might be evaluated is then considered on the basis of perspectives drawn from the liberal political tradition.     

The problem of interests in contemporary liberal political theory

‘Interest’ is a central concept in contemporary liberal political theory. Much of this discussion is marked by related confusions between ‘interest’ and ‘actions‐in‐interests’ and between ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ interests. These confusions are damaging, since liberal theorists are ostensibly firmly opposed to treating objective interests as politically relevant, but they inevitably finish up admiting the relevance of some form of objective interests. They do this by limiting valid interest judgements to those which are rational, or which favour future over present interests, or which are made post facto, or which favour public over individual interests. This admission of objective interests into liberal theory has important implications for the way in which liberal theorists conceive of relationships between the liberal democratic state and its citizens. In particular, it seriously undermines the democratic element in contemporary liberal democratic theories of political representation.     

“清乡运动”与李士群之死

李士群是"清乡运动"的主要谋划者与核心人物.其得力的措施使该运动收到了明显的成效.李士群在"清乡"中急剧膨胀的势力与强烈的离心倾向,严重威胁了日本"国策",这是其致死的根本原因,他的死也与日军内部派系斗争以及与周佛海的权力斗争有关.所谓死于军统反问计之说实属夸大之辞,因为这种说法忽视了李士群与日军及周佛海之间极其尖锐的矛盾.