卢沟桥事变真相追溯

卢沟桥,作为日本发动全面侵华战争的纪念地,吸引着中日两国史学界和民间的目光。然而,更值得讨论的是卢沟桥枪声的战略意义。我们首先看一下,七七事变之前双方是怎样的态势,为什么会爆发这场战争。     

一本值得中日两国读者阅读的好书——《卢沟桥事变史论》评介

一本值得中日两国读者阅读的好书——《卢沟桥事变史论》评介李良志每年的７－８月,都是中日两国史学界——近些年也成为政府间话题集中而且敏感的月份。７月有一个“七七事变”,是６０年前日本帝国主义发动全面侵华战争的日子。“八一五”则是日本战败投降的纪念日。日...     

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日本在1937年发动的侵华战争,是中国人民一场空前的大劫难。战后中国政府主动放弃了对日本国的战争赔偿要求,但并未放弃民间索赔的权利。60多年来日本国内否认日本侵略罪行的浊流不时泛滥,激怒了中国的战争受害者,从上个世纪80年代末他们毅然走上了民间对日索赔的道路,开始了长期的艰难的跨国诉讼。详     

中日学生代表在南京讨论日本侵华战争罪行问题

今年8月,日本“日中学生会议”访华团一行20余人,在日本外务省、日本“日中友好协会”的协助下,对北京大学、南京大学和复旦大学等校进行了友好访问。“日中学生会议”是由日本大学生组成的民间团体,自1987年成立以来,已是第五次访问中国。参加这次交流活动的中国大学生代表团,由北京大学、南京大学和复旦大学三校分别组成。8月15日,是日本战败投降46周年纪念日,日本“日中学生会议”访华团在南京,与南京大学学生代表团一起,举行了“日本侵华战争”讨论会。会议期间,双方代表还参观了江东门侵华日军南京大屠杀遇难同胞纪念馆。这次讨论会围绕着日本侵华战争这个主题,两国学生代表进行了坦诚的思想交流。讨论会的议程分为基础报告、分组讨论和联组总结三个阶段。与会代表首先听取了双方报告人提交讨论会的基础报告。中方代表林江(南京大学代表团团长)在报告中强调,中日两国间的友好交往有着悠     

从一部日本帝国主义侵华史看日本发动九一八事变的根本原因

九一八事变是当年日本帝国主义发动的一场新侵华战争。日本妄图以武力制造地方“事变”的模式,肢解、蚕食中国,达到灭亡中国的目的。从此,中日两国进入了长达十五个年头的战争时期。中国各族人民,在中国共产党的领导下,同世界各国人民一道终于打败了日本侵略者,取得了抗日战争的伟大胜利。九一八事变,引起了中国、日本乃至于世界历史进程的巨大变化。中国历史出现了新的转折,中日民族矛盾上升,国内阶级矛盾逐渐居于次要地位,终于形成了第二次国     

对日本侵华战争的历史审视——北京大学中日关系史研讨会纪要

对日本侵华战争的历史审视——北京大学中日关系史研讨会纪要牛大勇１９９６年１２月１１日,北京大学历史学系和美国华人学术团体日本侵华研究学会联合在京举行国际学术研讨会,主题是对日本侵华战争进行历史再审视。与会学者有：参加过抗日战争的老战士李锐、白介夫,中...     

日本驻芜湖领事馆的历史考察(1922-1945)

1922年日本在芜湖开设领事馆,管理安徽全境的日本居留民事务,并维护日本在华的种种条约特权。1937年日本发动全面侵华战争以后,中日两国外交关系断绝,芜湖领事馆作为一个非法机构,协助日军在占领区进行统治,严重侵害了中国主权和中国人民的利益。     

对日本侵华战争全面发动的再认识

1937年7月7日,日本帝国主义在卢沟桥挑起事端,由此迅速启动了全面侵华战争的机器,这是日本长期推行侵华政策的结果。在完成侵华战争全面发动的过程中,日本统治阶级内部就侵华战争的规模有过分歧,而在战争目标的提出、实施和升级方面意见却是一致的。以往,日本学者重视分歧的一面,中国学者则强调一致的一面,对日本战争目标的研究却往     

2009年中日关系史研究述评

关于日本侵华,有两个方面的研究引人注意：一是宗教与日本侵华政策关系的研究;二是财阀与日本侵华政策关系的研究。先说第一个研究。王海燕的《日本侵华战争中的国家神道》（载《抗日战争研究》第1期）,全面和深入地阐释了日本国家神道在日本侵华战争中产生的作用。     

货币战争：日本人用伪钞算计中国

1937年,日本悍然发动了全面侵华战争。为彻底征服中国,日本在强力推行其军事行动的同时,还在经济领域对中国发动了另一场战争——伪造法币,瓦解国民政府经济。由此,中日之间开始了一场没有硝烟的经济战。     

抗日战争时期旅日中国留学生的救亡活动

抗日战争是一场中华民族的抵抗日本侵略的战争,中华民族的各个组成部分都为最后的胜利做出了自己的贡献。当时旅居于日本的中国留学生与中国国内的各界民众一样,曾以旺盛的民族精神,积极投身于创办反战报刊、搜集日军情报、发展抵抗组织等爱国抗日活动,这些活动成为以国共两党为中心的抗日民族统一战线的一支重要海外策应力量。     

司徒美堂与抗日战争

美洲著名爱国侨领司徒美堂为祖国抗战做出了重大的贡献。他从九一八事变后即率先投身于抗日救亡运动,积极声援自发奋起抗战的国民党官兵;全国抗战爆发后,他出任抗日救国侨团的首领,带领广大华侨开展抗日救亡活动;他万里迢迢回国慰劳抗日军民,为祖国抗战出计献策,在途经香港陷入日军魔掌的危险时刻,表现出了铁骨铮铮的民族气节;他团结美洲洪门侨胞,报效祖国抗战,使这一古老的帮会组织焕发青春;他呼吁祖国团结抗战,反对妥协投降,有力地维护了国共合作抗战的大局。他是广大华侨抗日救国的领袖和楷模,其爱国思想在支援祖国抗战中进一步得到升华。     

改革开放以来抗日战争胜利纪念活动述论

新中国成立后,政务院即确定每年的9月3日为抗日战争胜利纪念日。改革开放后,每当抗战胜利纪念日,尤其"逢十"纪念之期,国家和社会均会举行各式各样的纪念活动。这些活动主要有召开纪念大会或座谈会,发表社论或纪念文章,开展文化艺术活动等。抗战胜利纪念的社会功能包括:第一,铭记历史事实,宣传国耻记忆、抗争历史、和平经验;第二,进行政治动员,动员全国人民参与社会主义建设、投身改革开放事业、献力中华民族伟大复兴梦想;第三,塑造国家形象,中国对世界反法西斯战争的贡献、中国共产党是抗日战争的中流砥柱、抗日战争形成的伟大精神财富;第四,协调各方关系,中国与世界、大陆与港澳台、共产党与国民党的关系。     

The “local/outsider problem” among Chinese communist party cadres during the early period of the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression: a case study focusing on the Taihang Base Area

During the Chinese War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, the Taihang Base Area was one of the most important bases established by the Chinese Communist Party behind the enemy lines in northern China. During the early period of the war, the base areas were impacted by both the outside character of the Party organization and the larger United Front environment. Many cadres in the Taihang Base Area came from other locations. In Shanxi Province, the existence of the Sacrifice League and the unusual configuration of the United Front produced scattered but widespread “local/outsider” contradictions within the cadre ranks. In response to this, local Party organizations promoted political integration through a variety of means and gradually brought these contradictions under control. However, because of the aggressive efforts of the Central Shanxi Special Committee to integrate the Sacrifice League into the Party, a severe conflict emerged between the Central Shanxi Special Committee, which represented outside forces, and the Sacrifice League, which represented local forces. Through the intervention of the Eighth Route Army and the Northern Bureau, the Chinese Communist Party Hebei–Henan–Shanxi Provincial Committee resolved the problem through high-profile criticism and low-profile measures, thus promoting progress toward integration.     

New Chinese Military History, 1839–1951: What’s the Story?

Since 1990, New Chinese Military History in the West has remedied scholarly neglect of Chinese warfare and changed the usual stories of modern China. These studies disproved Orientalist assumptions of a unique “Chinese way of war” or a strategic culture that avoided aggressive confrontation. Scholars also challenge the assumption that Confucian immobility led to a clash of civilizations and decisive defeat in the Opium Wars, First Sino-Japanese War, and Boxer War of 1900. In fact, Qing officials were quick and successful in creating a new military regime. New military histories of the warlords, the Sino-Japanese Wars, and the Chinese Civil War show that developing new types of warfare was central in creating the new nation. All these wars split the country into factions that were supported by outside powers: they were internationalized civil wars. The article also asks how the choice of terms, labels, and categories shapes interpretations and political messages.     

Wartime everydayness: beyond the battlefield in China’s Second World War

ABSTRACT

This article suggests that the study of the War of Resistance against Japanese aggression should pay due attention to the effect of the war on the wartime everyday, that is, on Chinese culture, politics, society, and the economy away from the battlefield. Not only was the impact deep and enduring, but evolving, regionally and socially divergent responses to the war also shaped the war’s military. In modern war, as Karl von Clausewitz pointed out, public morale is a key factor in deciding the outcome of the fighting. The article first sketches the war’s impact on the Chinese economy, suggesting that the main consequences were “demodernization” and the revival of traditional trading patterns. It then discusses the reading lives of a young woman who grew up during the war and a senior Nationalist official to delineate contrasting emotional private responses, with one person finding in literature an inspirational alternative and the other becoming increasingly disillusioned. The article concludes with an examination of three popular history textbooks. They all stressed the importance of an awareness of Chinese civilization but narrated its nature and its prospects in contrasting ways. Such textbooks were used in required Chinese history courses at universities. The article makes no attempt to be comprehensive but instead uses a few examples as illustrations of the potential of researching wartime everydayness.     

抗战胜利前后国共日三方互动关系研究

抗战结束前夕,中日双方的军事较量与日本在大局不利时“和平”解决中国问题之企图以及中国内部国共双方着眼于战后之角力相交织,展现出国共日三方互动关系之错综复杂的图景。日军已无法改变其所处之总体被动状况;国民党在局部战场的作战表现有了改观,同时力图遏制中共的扩张;中共向南方敌后发展的军事战略和推动民主联合政府运动的政治战略取得了相当成效。就国共日三方互动关系而言,国共合作对日,国方重正规军事,但因实力所限未有重大进展,中共重敌后蚕食,因广大空间而如鱼得水;日本对国民党的军事压力与政治诱惑并举,同时亦不放弃利用国共矛盾以渔利。日本投降后,国民党虽在战后接收中得到了投降日军的合作与支持,但并未能实现其遏制中共扩张之企图;中共有了较之以往更为有利的态势与国民党争夺中国的主导权,并以其正确的战略战术而成为这场战争最大的赢家;最先发动这场战争的日本则成了最大的输家,以其无条件投降而结束了多年侵华的历史。     

Disciplined love: the Chinese Communist Party’s wartime restrictions on cadre love and marriage

ABSTRACT

During the Chinese War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the Civil War, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) imposed restrictions on the marriage of its cadres, so as to maintain the Party’s effective control and combat cohesion. The Central Committee of the CCP did not issue uniform regulations on this topic; most decisions were made by the base areas, with the indirect support of the Central Committee. Marriage and love are personal matters, and the restrictions certainly caused emotional suffering for ordinary cadres affected. However, there were important reasons for the CCP’s implementation of these measures. Through punishment and guidance, these restrictions were carried out smoothly and did not cause great upheaval. As love and marriage became areas subject to the political power of the CCP, they unexpectedly became a focal point of the collision between individuality and Party spirit and between the individual and the group.     

The cultivation of Communist cadres during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression

During the Chinese War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) made great progress in its cultivation of cadres. The favorable environment of the National United Front made it possible for the CCP to successfully train a large number of cadres with intellectual backgrounds while continuously using and promoting those who came from worker or peasant backgrounds. By so doing, the CCP raised the quality of its cadres. The CCP’s cultivation of its cadres during the War of Resistance was a systematic undertaking, with interrelated and mutually reinforcing components of education, training, examination, criticism, and self-criticism. Based on cadre self-consciousness and training, a regularized yet not rigid process of cadre cultivation was established. During the same period, the CCP also launched a rectification campaign (Zhengfeng yundong) to further unify and transform the Party. This important movement also left a deep mark on the cultivation of Communist cadres.     

Citizens and soldiers: party competition and the debate in Pennsylvania over permitting soldiers to vote, 1861–64

Political historians of the Civil War era frequently downplay the role of the Democratic Party. Studies of the Democrats in wartime often describe the loyal opposition as able to do little more than react to the policies of the Republicans in power. This has been particularly true regarding the debate over whether or not soldiers should be allowed to vote. Most historians assume that Republicans supported permitting soldiers to vote because it was the patriotic, ‘right’ thing to do, and that Democrats then opposed soldier voting because soldier suffrage bills were Republican war measures and because the Democrats believed the Union army would vote overwhelmingly Republican. In point of fact, the Democrats developed their arguments against soldier voting before the Republicans developed their position in favor of it. Moreover, the Democratic position was rooted in deeply held beliefs, dating back to seventeenth‐century England. Democrats opposed permitting soldiers to vote because they believed soldier voting would destroy the republican liberty of American citizens.