鄂伦春族社会福利制度的历史转型

清初,鄂伦春族在传统的氏族型社会福利之外出现了新生的政府型社会福利。历经民国、伪满到新中国建国初期,氏族型社会福利制度在国家管理等因素的影响下逐渐终结,政府型社会福利逐渐壮大并最终取而代之。同时,政府型社会福利也从清初的"统治利用型",经过民国的"平等扶助型"萌芽与伪满时期的被废除,于新中国建国初期转换为"平等扶助型"的社会福利制度。     

转型期社会分层与社会福利制度互动关系探析

我国目前的社会福利制度固化了现有的社会分层结构;而现有的社会分层结构及其未来发展趋势又形塑了社会福利制度的发展。在我国的未来发展过程中,应实现社会福利制度与社会分层之间的良性互动,具体表现为:建立与完善以合理社会分层为客观基础的社会福利制度,同时以社会福利制度作为主要动力促进科学社会分层结构体系的形成。     

计划经济时期中国社会福利制度的历史考察

从20世纪50年代起,在计划经济体制的历史背景下,中国形成了比较完整的社会福利体系,对促进经济发展和保障人民生活起到了至关重要的作用,其积极贡献不可磨灭。但同时,这一时期的社会福利制度又具有鲜明的计划经济体制的烙印,具有很大的历史局限性。加强其研究对构建与社会主义市场经济新体制相匹配的社会福利制度具有重要的参考意义。     

中国二元社会结构下的福利分层——以老人社会福利为例

伴随着中国社会转型逐步推进,中国二元社会结构日趋凸显。中国社会的全面转型进一步加速和深化,使得社会福利的分层更加明显,而老年人作为社会一个重要的组成部分,老年社会福利具有其特殊性,本文将从老年社会福利的微观视角入手,着重探讨老年社会福利在中国二元社会结构下的现实表现与差异、老年福利的未来发展趋势,并给出对策性分析。     

协调利益关系:西方收入分配理论的合理内核及其借鉴

西方收入分配理论的合理内核突出表现在:公平正义是社会的首要价值追求;社会福利最大化是实现公平的必要条件;合理分配是实现公平的充分条件。这给我国协调利益关系提供了借鉴:解决利益关系不和谐问题,首先要确定社会公平正义的价值理念,要以公平正义的制度安排为保障,以提高经济效率、加快发展为核心,为利益关系和谐提供物质基础。     

二轮修志应该以更宽的角度记社会养老保险制度

反映社会养老保险制度改革成效是二轮修志的记述要点,主体内容包括：1．传统（改革前）的社会养老保险制度的原貌状况。2．社会养老保险制度的变革情况。主要体现计划经济时期社会福利制度是“国家（单位）”的运行模式到国家、企业、个人三个层次构成的基本模式的主要区别情况,要通过具体数字比如改革前后企业负担数字予以反映。3．社会养老保险的辐射范围的具体化内容,以展示其社会保险的社会性和民生要求。4．社会养老保险制度改革后的企业承担责任的“减负”内容,     

南京国民政府社会福利立法初探

社会福利立法是现代工业社会的产物。南京国民政府统治时期,中国正处于由传统农业社会向现代工业社会转型初期。为了解决与工业化发展相伴生的社会问题,发展现代社会福利事业,南京国民政府制定了一系列社会福利法规并以政府的力量推行,取得了一定的成效,体现出国民政府时期的社会事业已在一定程度上步入现代化轨道。但由于立法本身很不完善,立法在执行过程中也存在诸多弊端,其执行效果与立法的初衷相距甚远。     

旅游产业发展、价格效应及其社会福利影响

本文针对中国不同旅游目的地旅游产业快速发展与物价高涨的典型事实,将旅游收入、价格效应引入社会福利函数,构建旅游产业发展、价格效应及其社会福利影响的理论模型,对旅游产业发展及其价格效应的社会福利影响进行理论研究显示:旅游产业发展推动其经济增长,从而对旅游目的地社会福利水平的提升带来直接的积极影响,相反,对旅游目的地的价格体系失衡产生显著的消极影响,从而对其社会福利水平的提升带来间接的消极影响.本研究利用中国四大世界双遗产旅游区及其张家界、三亚、阳朔、丽江旅游区的实证资料验证了这种内在影响的存在性,为中国不同地区旅游产业可持续发展的政策制定提供理论与实证依据.     

县级民政档案管理之我见

档案是历史的足迹．民政档案是民政事业的重要组成部分,它真实地记录了我国民政工作发展的历史,记载了我们党和国家在探索社会福利、社会保障以及基层政权建设进程中的重大事件和重大决策．反映了我国改革开放和现代化建设的巨大成就和丰富经验。民政档案不仅是开展民政工作的重要依据．而且是国家信息资源的重要组成部分。     

续修县市志要重视社会保障体系改革的记述

要把续修县市志编撰成一地改革开放的实录 ,方志工作者必须热情关注并认真记述改革开放以来当地经济和社会发展的新亮点。社会保障体系改革正是续修县市志必须着重记述的经济和社会发展的新亮点之一。一、续修县市志记述社会保障体系改革的重要意义改革开放以来 ,尤其是 1992年 10月 2 0日江泽民在十四大的政治报告中郑重宣告我国经济体制改革的目标是建立社会主义市场经济体制以来 ,社会保障体系改革便一直受到党和各级政府的广泛关注 ,并不断采取措施推进社会保障体系各项制度的建立健全和完善 ,现已基本建立起了符合我国国情的、适应社会…     

Malthus,gender and the demarcation of ‘dangerous’ bodies in 1996 US welfare reform

This article argues that populationism as a gendered narrative provides a crucial rhetorical architecture for welfare reform debates in the USA during the 1990s. Populationism, which Joni Seager defines as ‘the dogma and the rhetoric of population alarmism and population control,’ subtly legitimized efforts to control and marginalize poor women's bodies in the context of welfare reform. The populationism underlying welfare reform hinges on a deep fear of engulfing social chaos if ‘we’ do not check the fertility of poor women, and particularly women of color. This article historically situates contemporary welfare politics by tracing in some detail how Malthus' original writings on population were constitutively linked to debates about ‘poor relief’ in early nineteenth century England. Exploring the gendered linkages between Malthus and social welfare policy in the 1800s allows us to understand how Malthus continues to haunt discourses about social welfare in the 1990s and beyond, with direct consequences for poor women and particularly poor women of color.     

The Italian welfare state after the financial crisis

The essential characteristics of the Italian welfare state as it developed after the Second World War generated social cleavages and inequities that affected the Italian economy and provided grist for future reforms. At the same time, the welfare state provided political actors with incentives and resources that constrained attempts at reform. With the financial crisis beginning in 2008, serious reform was no longer optional. But austerity politics have generated pressures for changes to the welfare state which are unlikely to moderate most of the underlying inequities generated by the post-war system. Going forward, Italian policymakers must chart a path that is informed by efforts to overcome the pathologies of the past without further undermining the social and economic health of the country.     

试论魏玛"福利国家"的早期实践(1918-1920)

一战结束后,德国社会遭遇了政治、经济与社会的多重危机,政府权力亟待合法性认同,社会期稳定。魏玛政府力图把福利国家作为控制与解决危机的一种手段。1918-1920年间,魏玛的福利国家建设曾规范劳动市场、协调劳资关系、改革保险和救济政策、解决住房问题以及调整经济运作模式等方面掀起高潮从短时段看,这些实践活动确立了基本的福利国家原则,维护了政府权威,初步解决了战后德国的社会危机然而从长时段看,这一时期的福利实践存在许多问题,埋下了日后经济危机、社会危机乃至民主危机的隐患。     

‘These new rights’: social security in the postwar Italian debate

At the end of World War II the Italian welfare system, which had taken shape under Fascism, was in need of a radical overhaul. Nevertheless, the wait for organic, structural reform dragged on for over two decades without arriving, even in the Sixties, at an efficient framework for the welfare state capable of dismantling the corporatist, familist one inherited from Fascism. This article reconstructs the debates on social security and social rights after World War II. Beginning with the interest that was sparked, even in Italy, by the Beveridge Report, I will investigate the meaning given to the expressions “social security” and “social rights” by politicians and technocrats engaged in trying to reform the Italian Welfare State.     

THE BUSINESS OF WELFARE

A common narrative in welfare state research is that Sweden exemplifies a specific model of welfare, ‘the Swedish model’, or ‘the Social democratic welfare regime’. From this perspective the emerging welfare state left little room for private initiatives – the stage was set for the development of an encompassing welfare state in the 1950s. In this article I argue that this, virtually hegemonic, perspective has hindered an analysis of how private insurance co-existed and thrived within the emerging Swedish welfare state. As an alternative approach to ‘modelling’ – the concept of welfare-formation is developed to analyse mutually sustaining practices of welfare. I show how the insurance business and its protagonists influenced the settings of public pension schemes in a way that underpinned their own interests. A close cooperation with the state apparatus was fundamental for creating a trustworthy insurance market and legitimizing the business claim of fulfilling a social mission. The business adaptability in the shifting landscape of social policy also influenced perceptions of security and welfare in general. Commercial ideals became an essential dimension of the welfare state. By exploring this marginalized history – the business of welfare – the study deepens our understanding of modern welfare societies.     

Modernization, welfare and 'third way' politics: limits to theorizing in 'thirds'?

The current period of welfare reform in British politics is taking place within a discourse of modernization described in terms of a 'third way'. The ideas which constitute this discourse resonate with recent developments within human geography, namely a movement to theorizing 'in-between' spaces, a turn to culture and to issues of globalization. This paper suggests that welfare reform is a restructuring project which allows the nature of thinking and acting 'in thirds' to be questioned. It problematizes the 'third way' approach to cultural modernization and economic globalization as a de-politicized discourse, and argues for the cultural politics and political economics which underpin welfare reform to be foregrounded. As a form of political discourse analysis, it points to the developing need for a welfare geography that is attuned to the languages and practices through which dominant systems of social and economic distribution are constituted.     

#WeAreBeneficiaries: Contesting Poverty Stigma Through Social Media

Showcasing stories of welfare beneficiaries in their own words, a recent Aotearoa (New Zealand)-based campaign called “We Are Beneficiaries” used social media to create a space of contestation to the widespread stigmatisation of poverty. While existing literature strongly emphasises the role played by traditional media in constructing and reinforcing stigma, and has more recently begun to explore resistance and contestation, relatively few accounts address efforts, like the We Are Beneficiaries campaign, that seek to destigmatise poverty stigma via social media. Accordingly, this paper argues that social media can serve as a counterpublic space for the destigmatisation of poverty. By discussing how the We Are Beneficiaries campaign refuted stigmatising narratives, critiqued institutions and sought to build solidarity among and with welfare beneficiaries, the paper draws attention to the potential of social media in the development of counterdiscourses as well as new political identities and claims-making.     

当代美国的福利困境与福利改革

美国福利制度的建立在一定程度上有助于缓解贫困,稳定社会秩序,但是它对美国人的工作伦理、家庭结构等产生了很大的负面影响。福利改革就是将领取福利与工作联系起来,旨在打破福利循环,减少福利依赖,可是,由于存在种种缺陷,福利改革并未取得预期的效果。